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              <text>In Vox Clamantis 4.601-2, Gower describes the visits of Genius to the nuns of the cloister: "Sit licet in capa furrata, dum docet ipse, / Nuda tamen valde iura ministrat eis" (trans. Stockton, p. 180: "Although he may be in a fur-lined cape while he is giving instructions, he nevertheless ministers his naked authority to them forcefully"). The "capa furrata" refers to the "fur-lined gown of an educated layman or cleric," according to Ronnick, and echoes other examples of the deceptiveness of attire in VC. The "nuda iura," while obviously referring to the method of Genius' instruction, also recalls an actual legal term found in both Justinian and Bracton, referring to ownership by mere possession rather than by right. But hasn't Ronnick missed another anatomical pun in the "furred cape"? The very next line describes the nuns as being "stoned" without being injured; on this passage, see Stockton's note, p. 420. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 12.2]</text>
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              <text>Ronnick, Michele Valerie</text>
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              <text>Ronnick, Michele Valerie. "Capa Furrata and Nuda Iura: Vox Clamantis, 4.601-2." Notes and Queries 237 (1992), pp. 444-445.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="83262">
              <text>Language and Word Studies</text>
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              <text>Vox Clamantis</text>
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                <text>Capa Furrata and Nuda Iura: Vox Clamantis, 4.601-2</text>
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                <text>1992</text>
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              <text>"A generation before the war at Troy, king Adrastos led an ill-fated expedition against Thebes. One of his commanders, Capaneus, died so spectacularly that he was virtually guaranteed a lasting place in the myth. He boasted that he would take Thebes whether the gods willed it or not and was subsequently struck from the city's wall by a lightning bolt from Zeus. Despite this simple narrative Capaneus' character is handled in a variety of ways. As would be expected he is at times portrayed as a villain. Thus in Aeschylus' "Septem," Euripides' "Phoenissae," and Statius' "Thebaid," he is an impious, vicious, threatening, and boastful character who is finally punished at Thebes. This portrayal, however, was not the only possibility in handling his character. In Euripides' "Suppliants," Capaneus is held up as a model citizen whose moderate life and tragic downfall should serve as a lesson to others. The earliest artistic depictions of Capaneus show a similar divergence in characterization. An artist could emphasize the villainy of the hero by including elements like a ladder to scale the Theban wall, a torch to burn the town, a lightning bolt to imply his punishment, or conversely portray him as a vulnerable youth struck down suddenly in war. Christian writers of the Medieval period take these lines of development further. Gower presents him as a warning against excessive pride, one of the seven deadly sins, and Dante lets him rage in hell against God under a continuous rain of lightning. In both the French "Le Roman de Thèbes" and Lydgate's "Siege of Thebes" the hero is a noble and beloved knight who, while dying at Thebes, lives long enough to take part in the later Athenian attack on the city." [JGN 25.2]</text>
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              <text>Nau, Robert</text>
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              <text>Nau, Robert. "Capaneus: Homer to Lydgate." PhD thesis, McMaster University (Canada), 2005.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="83958">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Capaneus: Homer to Lydgate</text>
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              <text>Herrero, Pérez-Fernández, and Gutiérrez discuss the scribal hands and selected codicological features of the unique manuscript copy of a Portuguese translation of "Confessio Amantis" (c.1430) and of the unique manuscript of a Castilian translation of the poem (late 15th c.), made from the Portuguese text. The Portuguese manuscript, copied in a bastard Gothic script by a named scribe, Joham Barroso, is an unprepossessing paper volume, its execution "a bit rough" (21). The Castilian manuscript, copied in a Gothic court hand and likewise on paper, by an anonymous scribe, is even more modest. Moreover, the second has an idiosyncratic structure: it is in two parts, each one written by the same scribe but only brought together in the 16th c. This "artificial codex" (27) suggests, therefore, a wider circulation for the Castilian translation than has previously been supposed. Both manuscripts were probably prepared for aristocratic use by private readers. Contains numerous plates illustrating the hands. [MPK. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 42.2]</text>
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              <text>Herrero Jiménez, Mauricio.&#13;
Pérez-Fernández, Tamara.&#13;
María Gutiérrez Rodríguez, Marta Maria.</text>
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              <text>Herrero Jiménez, Mauricio, with Tamara Pérez-Fernández and Marta María Gutiérrez Rodríguez. "Castilian Script in the Iberian Manuscripts of the Confessio Amantis." In John Gower in England and Iberia: Manuscripts, Influences, Reception. Ed. Ana Sáez-Hidalgo and R. F. Yeager. Publications of the John Gower Society X. (Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer, 2014). Pp. 17-31.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="97534">
              <text>Manuscripts and Textual Studies&#13;
Confessio Amantis&#13;
Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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                <text>Castilian Script in the Iberian Manuscripts of the "Confessio Amantis."</text>
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                <text>2014</text>
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              <text>Sáez-Hidalgo and Yeager identify three purposes of their essay: first, "to consider Berthelette's Gower afresh and to suggest several ways in which his two editions" of "Confessio Amantis," 1532 and 1554, "at once reflect their times and reveal Berthelette's unusual subtlety both as a designer of books and as a probable Roman Catholic opposed to Henry's break with the Roman Church"; second, to describe a copy of the 1554 edition previously "unknown to scholars," purchased from private ownership in 2017 by the Rossell Hope Robbins Library at the University of Rochester; and third, to investigate evidence of reading of the Robbins copy (signatures and bookplates, marginalia, and underlinings) that may indicate it is a "potentially 'Catholic book'" (113-14)--a fuzzy notion in this context that the authors duly acknowledge as such by enclosing the phrase in parentheses throughout the essay. What it meant to be Catholic in 1532, two years before Henry's break with Rome, differed from what it meant in 1554 after Mary had reinstated Catholicism in England, even though the small changes Berthelette made between his two editions can perhaps be seen to reflect the nuances evolving in religious discourses of the period as well as the bibliographical and historical contexts that Sáez-Hidalgo and Yeager identify. Berthelette himself may well have been Catholic in one sense or another; Sáez-Hidalgo and Yeager provide several "circumstantial clues" (130) that he was, although they then hazard circularity in their larger argument by suggesting that "the best evidence [of him being Roman Catholic] may in fact be the two editions he produced" of  CA (130). Being Catholic also differed later in the sixteenth and in the seventeenth centuries when readers left their marks in the Robbins Library volume, and Sáez-Hidalgo and Yeager identify two prominent owners of the Robbins volume, Sir Martin Bowes, goldsmith, director of the London mint and Lord Mayor, and Sir Thomas Clifford, Lord High Treasurer under Charles II, as Catholic, providing brief biographies and assessing how and why the volume may have appealed to them. In short, the phrase "Catholic book" may be useful in book history only as a catch-much term, much less useful than are the more specific information and interpretations offered here. The essay provides detailed analytic data about the Robbins volume; useful perspective on Berthelette's humanist, religious, political, and financial concerns in producing his two editions; a comparison of aspects of Berthelette's 1532 edition with those of William Thynne's "Workes of Chaucer" published only months earlier (particularly their title pages and biographical information); a suggestive reading of Berthelette's account of the tablet near Gower's tomb; and an engaging account of how one book may have been planned, produced, intended, used, and treasured over several hundred years. [MA. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 39.1]</text>
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              <text>Sáez-Hidalgo, Ana.&#13;
Yeager, R. F.</text>
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              <text>Sáez-Hidalgo, Ana, and R. F. Yeager. "Catholic (?) Printer, Catholic (?) Owners: The Robbins Library Berthelette Confessio Amantis (1554)." Journal of the Early Book Society 22 (2019): 114-48; 8 b&amp;w figs.</text>
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Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Catholic (?) Printer, Catholic (?) Owners: The Robbins Library Berthelette "Confessio Amantis" (1554).</text>
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              <text>Bennett compares Gower's tale of "Ceix and Alceone" with its analogue in Ovid's Metamorphoses (Book 11) and with Caxton's 1480 translation of Ovid. Gower turns Juno's injunction to Iris (to visit the cave of Morpheus) into indirect speech, describes Iris's "velamina mille colorum" as a "Reyny Cope ... begon with colours of diverse hewe," and glosses "ebenus" as "that slepi tree." Caxton, three years before he would print the CA, makes the same changes in his retelling of Ovid, and even borrows the exact phrasing of these details from Gower. [CvD]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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              <text>Bennett, J. A. W. "Caxton and Gower." Modern Language Review 45.2 (1950), pp. 215-216.</text>
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              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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              <text>Argues that Caxton's printing of Gower and Chaucer shows a growing secular reading public, which encouraged an increase in literary patronage. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Blake, N. F. Caxton: England's First Publisher. London: Osprey, 1973, p. 220. </text>
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                <text>1973</text>
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                <text>Caxton: England's First Publisher.</text>
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              <text>Aurner, Nellie Slayton.</text>
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              <text>Aurner, Nellie Slayton. Caxton: Mirrour of Fifteenth-Century Letters. A Study of the Literature of the First English Press. Boston and New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1926, pp. 168-69. </text>
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              <text>Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Brief and somewhat inaccurate description of Caxton's edition of CA (1483); apparently Aurner was unaware that CA exists in more than one version, mentioning differences between Caxton's version and that of Berthelette (1532). [RFY1981].</text>
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                <text>Caxton: Mirrour of Fifteenth-Century Letters.</text>
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                <text>1926</text>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>Blake examines Macaulay's argument that Caxton used "at least three manuscripts of the poem [CA]" (262) for his own edition of the CA, and that the most likely copytext was Magdalen College, Oxford, 213. First, however, Blake draws attention to Caxton's claim that Gower was from Wales and notes how unusual it is for Caxton to include a table of contents for a poetic work. The latter choice, however, turns out to be an example of Caxton's "opportunism" (284), since he simply adapted Gower's Latin headings for his own table of contents. Blake then returns to his main argument and suggests that all of Caxton's text can be found in third recension MSS (Blake calls this the "intermediate recension"). The problem, nevertheless is that "these features are not to be all found in the same manuscript" (288). Despite this difficulty, Blake suggests that "the balance or probability favours the view that Caxton had only one manuscript" (203). [CvD]</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Manuscripts and Textual Studies</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="91080">
              <text>Blake, N. F. "Caxton's Copytext of Gower's Confessio Amantis." Anglia 85 (1967), pp. 282-293.</text>
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                <text>1967</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="91047">
                <text>Caxton's Copytext of Gower's Confessio Amantis</text>
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  </item>
  <item itemId="9492" public="1" featured="0">
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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      <elementContainer>
        <element elementId="52">
          <name>Review</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93045">
              <text>Prints Berthelette's Preface from the edition of 1554, the "first division" of CA Prologue, with Latin head, 1-92, and Latin head beginning "division two." [RFY1891]. </text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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              <text>Brydges, Sir Egerton.</text>
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              <text>Brydges, Sir Egerton. Censura literaria: Containing Titles, Abstracts, and Opinions of Old English Books, with Original Disquisitions, Articles of Biography, and Other Literary Antiquities. Vols. 9-10. London, Longman, Hurst, Rees, and Orme, 1809, pp. 346-58. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93048">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="93043">
                <text>Censura Literaria: Containing Titles, Abstracts, and Opinions of Old English Books, with Original Disquisitions, Articles of Biography, and Other Literary Antiquities</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
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              <elementText elementTextId="93044">
                <text>1809</text>
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  </item>
  <item itemId="9506" public="1" featured="0">
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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      <elementContainer>
        <element elementId="52">
          <name>Review</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93129">
              <text>Prints from Reinhold Pauli (1857) the "Tale of Narcissus" (with Genius/Amans exchange), CA, Book I, 2254-2366.] [RFY1981] .</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93130">
              <text>Buckley, Rev. W. E., ed.</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
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          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93131">
              <text>Buckley, Rev. W. E., ed. Cephalus and Procris. Narcissus. By Thomas Edwards. London: Roxburghe Club, 1882, pp. 125-28.</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93132">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="93127">
                <text>Cephalus and Procris. Narcissus. By Thomas Edwards.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="93128">
                <text>1882</text>
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          </element>
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  </item>
  <item itemId="8619" public="1" featured="0">
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          <name>Dublin Core</name>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="85445">
              <text>Amans refers to his struggles with Danger three times in CA, in 3.1537-68, in 5.6607-52, and in his final supplication, 8.2264-65, 2285-86. Though Amans does not actually label him as such, Kendall argues that his description of Danger's functions invoke the role of the chamberer or chamberlain, who as the servant closest to the lord or to the king could serve as advisor, clerk, treasurer, guard, or keeper of his seal (cf. CA 3.1556), as well as, very importantly, the controller of access; and that Amans' complaints echo the common charges of concentration of power, abuse of position, and denial of access, especially to the king's justice, that led to the execution of both Simon Burley and William Scrope. But Amans' complaints lack the authority of parliamentary attacks on the king's chamberlains since they are grounded in his personal interest rather than in "common profit," and they do more to reveal Amans' own narrowness of view and pursuit of personal desire than they do Danger's. In these very passages, in fact, Amans confesses his own self-interest and his duplicity, and the wildness and violence associated with Dangier in the Roman de la Rose is transferred to Amans himself (CA 3. 1518-23). Danger, by contrast, is presented as a more civilized as well as more powerful figure than Dangier, and in his unceasing vigilance, in his loyalty to his lady, and in his utter lack of self-interest, he is a model for an ideal servant. In that regard, he draws upon a different and more potent ideal of aristocratic behavior than Amans' courtoisie; his "impervious[ness] to bribery or eloquence" (p. 62) invokes memories of the Golden Age; and his immutability (8. 2269-65) offers a response to the mutability and division that Gower cites as the sources of both immorality and social disorder in the Prologue. In borrowing the figure of Danger from RR, Gower, has inverted it, and he has placed it on "the winning side" (p. 64). "Amans' adversary demeans his desire and symbolizes a force of social renewal latent in the great household" (p. 64). [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 27.2]</text>
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              <text>Kendall, Elliott</text>
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              <text>Kendall, Elliott. "Chamberlain Danger: The Social Meaning of Love Allegory in the Confessio Amantis." Medium Ævum 76 (2007), pp. 49-69.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="85448">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
            </elementText>
            <elementText elementTextId="85449">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="85441">
                <text>Chamberlain Danger: The Social Meaning of Love Allegory in the Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="85442">
                <text>2007</text>
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  <item itemId="9791" public="1" featured="0">
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      <elementContainer>
        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94820">
              <text>Malone, Kemp.</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94821">
              <text>Malone, Kemp. Chapters on Chaucer. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1951. Reprint. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1979, pp. 141-42</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94822">
              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism</text>
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        <element elementId="52">
          <name>Review</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="99406">
              <text>Mentions the dedication of "Troilus" to Gower and Strode as possible evidence of Chaucer's moral habit of mind. [RFY1981]</text>
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                <text>Chapters on Chaucer.</text>
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                <text>1951</text>
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              <text>Generally negative assessment of Gower's poetic talents. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Minto, William.</text>
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              <text>Minto, William. Characteristics of English Poets, from Chaucer to Shirley. London: W. Blackwood, 1874, pp. 71-76. </text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="96186">
              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="96181">
                <text>Characteristics of English Poets, from Chaucer to Shirley.</text>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>Discusses the depiction of the three major characters in Chaucer's ("Legend of Good Women"), Gower's ("Confessio Amantis") and Ovid's ("Metamorphoses")versions of the legend of Philomela. Gower preserves the favorable description of Tereus at the beginning of the tale, while Chaucer emphasizes his villainy. Despite opening the way for the "tragedy" of his transformation, however, Gower shows less sympathy for Tereus than he does for other characters overcome by love, and gives less attention to his psychology. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 11.2]</text>
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              <text>Oka, Saburo</text>
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              <text>Oka, Saburo. "Characterization by Ovid, Gower and Chaucer of the Tereus-Procne-Philomela Story." Thought Currents in English Literature (Aoyama Gakuin University) 64 (1991), pp. 1-15.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="83409">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="83402">
                <text>Characterization by Ovid, Gower and Chaucer of the Tereus-Procne-Philomela Story</text>
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                <text>1991</text>
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            <element elementId="50">
              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>This informative chapter discusses scholars' access to medieval British manuscripts from the time of their production to the present (2020), taking one manuscript, British Library, Cotton MS. Tiberius A. IV, a collection of John Gower's Latin poems, as a focal point for current access but at times extending further to discuss access in more general terms. For experienced scholars, the description of how one gains access to manuscripts in the British Library won't have added much to their knowledge. The interesting part comes as Prescott and Echard discuss how collections came into the British Library, why the Library changed the shelfmarks, for some while they retained the previous collectors' shelfmarks for others like the Royal and Cotton collections, and how the holdings of medieval charters, printed books, etc. cause some confusion in the shelfmarks seemingly duplicated when we use contracted forms. Prescott's insider knowledge of the workings behind the circulation desk at the British Library both before and after its move to St. Pancras enables them to explain how and why the Library came to classify some manuscripts as "Select" while others seemingly just as important remain ordinary. They also describe how decisions about the handling, display and conservation of manuscripts were made by different Keepers of Manuscripts. Prescott's insider glimpses into how and where the manuscripts are kept in storage and fetched when we request them, and explanations for the historical classifications by which the Library decided which to protect during the two world wars and which could be kept at the Library are also interesting. Echard then picks up the story to describe how modern scholars access manuscripts other than "in person," through photographs, facsimiles, microfilm and (now) digital imagery on line. Her frustrations as a North American scholar, on the west coast at that, pinpoint the difficulties of access for those not based close to the collections. Branching out to look more widely at the manuscripts of Gower's works held in libraries other than the British Library, she reviews which sorts of libraries have had the resources to digitize their manuscripts, and points out the pressures on libraries and archives to digitize not only English medieval manuscripts with which we are interested but also modern collections, which are much more numerous. This last year (2023-4), the ransomware attack on the British Library's IT system has only exacerbated these frustrations, even for scholars closer to the British Library than Echard. All in all, this is a wonderfully informative article focussed on a manuscript of Gower's non-English works but teaching us much more about the issues of access, both historically and at present, that we all face when studying medieval manuscripts. [LM. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 43.2]</text>
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              <text>Echard, Siân.&#13;
Prescott, Andrew.</text>
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              <text>Echard, Siân and Andrew Prescott. "Charming the Snake: Accessing and Disciplining the Medieval Manuscript," in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval British Manuscripts, ed. Orieta Da Rold and Elaine Treharne (Cambridge University Press, 2020), pp. 237-66.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="98424">
              <text>Manuscripts and Textual Studies&#13;
Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations&#13;
Backgrounds and General Criticism</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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              <elementText elementTextId="98419">
                <text>Charming the Snake: Accessing and Disciplining the Medieval Manuscript.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="98420">
                <text>2020</text>
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          <elementContainer>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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    <itemType itemTypeId="18">
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        <element elementId="97">
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            <elementText elementTextId="90357">
              <text>Wetherbee, Winthrop</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="90358">
              <text>Wetherbee, Winthrop. "Chaucer and Boethian Tradition in the 'Confessio Amantis'." In A Companion to Gower. Ed. Echard, Siân. Cambridge: Brewer, 2004, pp. 181-96.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="90359">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
            </elementText>
            <elementText elementTextId="90360">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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              <text>According to Wetherbee, the essential ambiguity of "naturatus amor" in the opening Latin epigram of Book 1 of CA reflects "fundamental questions about the authoritative role of the Latin tradition in forming [Gower's] literary culture" as well as "larger questions about the relation of human life and history to the natural order" (181-82). The uncertainties about man's relation to nature--whether as a "paradigm of order" or as "a kind of cosmic determinism" (184)--can be traced to Boethius's "Consolation of Philosophy." Boethius's successors--Bernardus Silvestris, Alain de Lille, and Jean de Meun--depict the contradictions that result in different ways. For Jean de Meun they are manifested in an unresolved dialectic between the Latin Boethian tradition and the love-cult of vernacular poetry. The same confrontation is made visible in the framing of Gower's English poem with its Latin apparatus, which fails to either contain or control the English text. It is also embodied in Genius, who partakes both of the Latin and the vernacular. "He is less a spokesman than a mediator--a mediator, moreover, whose own perception of the standards of 'kinde' and 'resoun' which he holds up to Amans preserves unresolved the ambiguous perspective of the Boethian tradition. . . . Genius participates in both worlds, but he can provide no authoritative bases for reconciling the conflicting claims of Nature and courtly idealism" (190). "Skeptical of its own authority," Wetherbee concludes, "the Latin tradition is thus normative for Gower, a stable framework for his questioning of the values of his own world" (196) rather than authoritatively re-affirming them. [PN. Copyright. The John Gower Society. JGN 24.1]</text>
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                <text>Chaucer and Boethian Tradition in the 'Confessio Amantis'</text>
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                <text>2004</text>
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              <text>Elias argues that "the Squire's portrait in the "Canterbury Tales" is indebted to fourteenth-century crusade discourse, and that the ideological differences between the Knight and the Squire are well understood in relation to contemporary debates on the ethics of crusaders." (618) For Elias, the Knight and Squire reflect a series of rhetorical dichotomies associated with Crusader ethics: experienced wisdom vs. rashness of youth; material verses spiritual desires; and simple vs. opulent dress. Chaucer, as Elias states, associates the Squire with the Despenser Crusade in order to depict "a crusader, who embodies moral and behavioural weaknesses" (639). At various points in the essay, Elias compares Chaucer's representation of Crusader ethics (and Chaucer's critique of crusading generally) with Gower's discussions of crusades and crusading in his "Mirour de l'Omme" and "Confessio Amantis." Elias argues that Gower's references foreground (as do Chaucer's) the incompatibility of love with desire for worldly fame (which drives much of crusader ethics). [BWG. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 41.1]</text>
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              <text>Elias, Marcel.</text>
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              <text>Elias, Marcel. "Chaucer and Crusader Ethics: Youth, Love, and the Material World." The Review of English Studies, New Series 70, no. 296 (2019): 618-39.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="95413">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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  <item itemId="9686" public="1" featured="0">
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94193">
              <text>Notes examples where Gower relied on French and Latin, on rhythm, and on language and vocabulary for his poetic effects. [RFY1981].</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Davis, Norman.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="94195">
              <text>Davis, Norman. "Chaucer and Fourteenth-Century English." Derek Brewer, ed. Geoffrey Chaucer: Writers and Their Background. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1975, pp. 62, 68, 70, 73, 74, 75, 77, 79, 80, 81, 83-84</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Chaucer and Fourteenth-Century English.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="94241">
              <text>Gower is more formally skillful than Chaucer, but Chaucer's versions of the tales they tell in common are never monotonous, and richer in detail. In Japanese; English abstract.  [RFY1981; rev. MA].</text>
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Ito, Masayoshi.</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
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              <text>Ito, Masayoshi. "Chaucer and Gower as Storytellers." Bunka (Tohoku University): 24 (1960): 29-48. Reprinted in Takero Oiji, ed. Chaucer to sono shuben (Toyko: Kenkysha, 1968, chapter 5. English version available in Ito's John Gower, The Medieval Poet (Tokyo: Shinozaki Shorin, 1976), pp. 39-59.</text>
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              <text>Compares Gower and Chaucer as men, poets, moral and political thinkers; Chaucer comes out the better poet, Gower the better moralist--although Kim finds more points of similarity than of difference. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Constituting chapter 17 in the volume, this addresses the question "how do women 'mean' in these literary contexts [Chaucer and Gower as "pan-European" poets engaged with multi-lingual sources]" (342). The plan of the article indicates its extremely ambitious range: "[it] reviews Chaucer's key poetic works and genres ("The Canterbury Tales," "Troilus and Criseyde," and the three major dream visions) and Gower's major works (the "Confessio Amantis," "Vox Clamantis," "Mirour de l'Omme," and "Cinkante Balades"), and concludes with a comparative analysis of major female figures that both Chaucer and Gower portray (Dido, Medea, Constance, the 'loathly lady,' and Alcyone)" (342). Common to both poets is a "discourse [that] depicts women and femininity as subordinated to masculine hermeneutic needs" through a focus on "women's meaning in ethical terms," a meaning that is generally reductive, seeing femininity . . . in binary terms as 'good'/'bad'" (343). While Gower is famously known as "moral," Chaucer is equally concerned with morals and ethics (354), albeit more "play[fully]" than Gower (369). In VC and MO Gower adhered to the simplistic archetype of women as temptresses (VC) (356-57), or framed them as Eve or Mary (MO) (358-59). In the CA, where almost every story exemplifies a Deadly Sin, he tends to erase "the voices and agency" of women characters, compared to their sources (356). In CB, women speakers are reduced to already-established "signifiers" such as the woman betrayed (357-58). Per Bridges, only Gower's Medea is a "more complex construction" than her counterpart in Chaucer, as her varied life choices can't always be explained in terms of "conventional femininity and its morals" (363). By contrast, Chaucer truncated the story of Medea in his "Legend of Good Women," reducing her life journey to exemplify the innocent woman abandoned (362). [LBB. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 44.1]</text>
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              <text>Bridges, Venetia. "Chaucer and Gower." In Corinne Saunders and Diane Watt, eds. Women and Medieval Literary Culture from the Early Middle Ages to the Fifteenth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023. Pp. 342-376.</text>
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              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism&#13;
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Confessio Amantis&#13;
Vox Clamantis&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme&#13;
Cinkante Balades</text>
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              <text>Newstead, Helaine, ed. Chaucer and His Contemporaries: Essays on Medieval Literature and Thought. Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett, 1968, pp. ii-iii. </text>
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              <text>A collection of critical essays, with an introduction by Newstead in which she points out that Gower exemplifies the polylinguality of Chaucer's contemporaries. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Primary interest is historical, and in showing relationships between literary and standard history. Brief comments on Gower's handling of Chaucer's affairs, on Gower's death and financial circumstances. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Coulton, G. G. Chaucer and His England. 4th rev. ed. London: Methuen, 1927, pp. 52, 73, 117, 145. </text>
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              <text>Biography of Gower&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Kirk surveys a number of English works and writers that Chaucer may have known or drawn from. The first of these is Gower, whose CA is a model of the plain style (as C. S. Lewis called it). Gower's poetry is a combination of "simplicity of style and decorative intricacy of structure" (112), although Kirk also goes on to call Gower's spare, direct style "limpid" (113). Kirk agrees with J. A. Burrow that both poets tend to work "concentrically, embedding simpler units in larger, formal one" (114). This process of encapsulation allows them to explore various parallel views of love (the different kinds of Venuses). Gower explores the meaning of love by combining personification allegory (in the frame) with narratives of individual people and situations. He is thus able to combine lucid narrative with lucid moralization. Chaucer, by contrast, dramatizes both levels of understanding within his narratives. Chaucer communicates by juxtaposition of narratives. In Gower's hands, by contrast, encapsulation "becomes a delightful puzzle, a masterpiece of the fluid Gothic tracery of fourteenth-century English windows, which makes the epithet which their contemporary, the French poet Deschamps, attached to Chaucer more applicable to Gower [--] "grand translateur" (115). [CvD]</text>
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              <text>Kirk, Elizabeth D. "Chaucer and his English Contemporaries." In Geoffrey Chaucer: A Collection of Original Articles. Ed. Economou, George D. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975, pp. 111-127.</text>
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              <text>Asserts that Gower was a political conservative, frightened by the Peasants' Revolt; he adopted the code of courtly love in the CA, "with no thought of incongruity." [RFY1981; rev. MA]</text>
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Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Gower had Chaucer's affairs in hand while the latter was overseas; Gower "indifferently" multilingual. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Hadow, Grace.</text>
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              <text>Hadow, Grace. Chaucer and His Times. London: Williams and Norgate, 1914, pp. 22, 37, 209. </text>
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              <text>Biography of Gower&#13;
Language and Word Studies</text>
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Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Biography of Gower</text>
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              <text>Argues that Gower was not as up-to-date as Chaucer in the 1370s; since he is finishing MO and beginning VC, he is not yet writing in English. Man of Law's Prologue contains a dig at Gower; Gower and Chaucer were friends, though perhaps some strain was there; Gower claims Chaucer as disciple; Gower was Chaucer's attorney while Chaucer was in Italy; picture of Gower's tomb [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Gower is Chaucer's friend; points out, contra Thomas Speght (1598), that Gower may not have been a lawyer; Gower and Chaucer have different temperaments, though both are learned, secular poets; Gower is "far-sighted" in his criticism of rebels (Peasants' Revolt); Gower may have switched the dedication of CA from Richard II to Henry after 4 February 1399 (death of John of Gaunt) on the grounds that Henry was not called "of Lancaster" until after that time. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Brewer, Derek S. Chaucer and His World. London: Methuen, 1978, pp. 69, 84, 138, 209, 212. </text>
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              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Biography of Gower&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Chaucer knew well and used all of Gower's works, as Mann attempts to demonstrate through individual discussions of Chaucer's characters and of Gower's, taken from MO and VC primarily. Her concern is always to show not only likeness and dissimilarity, but also to place social context carefully as background and rationale for creation of character. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Mann, Jill. Chaucer and Medieval Estates Satire: The Literature of Social Classes and the General Prologue to the Canterbury Tales. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1973. </text>
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              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)&#13;
Vox Clamantis</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="95338">
              <text>Gower uses the topos of mating birds as a contrast to the unrequited human lover to set up frameworks for CA and Balade XXV; in Balade XXXIIII [sic], Gower uses Ovid's Ceyx and Alcione story to effect. [RFY1981]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Fyler, John M.</text>
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              <text>Fyler, John M. Chaucer and Ovid. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1979, pp. 91-92, 177n</text>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="95341">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Confessio Amantis&#13;
Cinkante Balades</text>
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              <text>Sanderlin summarizes what can be inferred about the relation between Chaucer's documented life and the political events of the last decade and a half of the fourteenth century, and refers to Gower in the context of a discussion of the change of dynasty in 1399: "John Gower, of course, had some years earlier cut his ties with Richard and was dedicating his works to Henry. Whether this was from his dislike of Lollards (who were tolerated in Richard's court and who had nailed their 'Twelve Conclusions' to the door of Westminster Hall in 1395) or from some other reason apparently is a subject for dispute but little information" (p. 181). The only support cited is Fisher (1964:121-24), who is rather more cautious about Gower "cutting his ties" with the king, and who makes no mention of the Lollards; there is evidently some chronological uncertainty here, moreover, since the change of dedication on which Gower's putative change in sentiment is based is usually dated to 1393. The real value of Sanderlin's essay lies elsewhere, in its account of how circumspectly Chaucer acted during the political crises of the time, with its implication of how imprudent and unlikely it would have been for a commoner to meddle directly in the friction between Richard and his lords. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 8.2]</text>
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              <text>Sanderlin, S.. "Chaucer and Ricardian Politics." Chaucer Review 22 (1988), pp. 171-84. ISSN 0009-2002</text>
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  <item itemId="10002" public="1" featured="0">
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              <text>Gower's attitude toward science, and his knowledge of its various aspects, were standard for literary men of his time. Unlike Chaucer, who apparently sometimes practiced what he described, Gower seems to draw most of his learning from books. [RFY1981]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96083">
              <text>Manzalaoui, Mahmoud. "Chaucer and Science." In Derek Brewer, ed. Geoffrey Chaucer. Writers and Their Background (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1975), pp. 228n, 229-30. </text>
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                <text>Chaucer and Science.</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Gower and Chaucer were friends. [RFY1981].</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93876">
              <text>Lewis, Dorothy B. "Chaucer and Shakespeare." In A. C. Cawley, ed. Chaucer's Mind and Art (Edinburgh and London: Oliver and Boyd, 1969), pp, 120, 169.</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
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                <text>Chaucer and Shakespeare.</text>
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              <text>As the title of his article implies, Kittredge attempts to ascertain something of what Chaucer's literary circle of friends may have looked like. His starting point is Chaucer's reference in the LGW to the debate about the Flower and the Leaf. Kittredge notes that Gower (CA 8.2462-72) and Eustache Deschamps both mention this debate, and he subsequently expands on Chaucer's connection with the latter to argue for their mutual acquaintance with Sir Lewis Clifford, who in turn knew Sir John Clanvowe. [CvD]</text>
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                <text>Chaucer and Some of His Friends</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="82253">
              <text>On pp. 88-100, Koff cites Gower a number of times in his desciption of Chaucer's relation with his audience as part of his general argument on the way in which Chaucer's poetry creates its own community of understanding. Chaucer's choice of English, like Gower's, may be part of an attempt to incorporate his English readers into a broader international community of letters. Gower's account of the commissioning of CA may reveal the impetus behind LGW as well; and Chaucer's only political commentary, in the F Prologue of LGW, reflects similar concerns revealed in all of Gower's works. Chaucer's interest in edification may be more oblique than Gower's but is just as real: both share a sense of the importance of books, and the well-known T&amp;C frontispiece showing Chaucer reading his work to the court suggests an attempt to give instruction to young King Richard that echoes Gower's in CA. All of Koff's citations of CA are taken from the Prologue and epilogue; consequently he has little directly to say about Gower and the art of storytelling. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 8.1]</text>
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              <text>Koff, Leonard Michael. "Chaucer and the Art of Storytelling." Berkeley and London: University of California Press, 1988</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="82256">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="82248">
                <text>Chaucer and the Art of Storytelling.</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="82249">
                <text>University of California Press,</text>
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              <text>Brief reference to Gower as a poet contemporary with Chaucer; Gower is a serious poet; unlike Gower, Chaucer does not use stereotyped descriptions. [RFY1981]</text>
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Lawrence, William W.</text>
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              <text>Lawrence, William W. Chaucer and the Canterbury Tales. New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1950. 4th printing, 1964, pp. 24. 27, 31, 57, 70. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96558">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Style, Rhetoric, and Versification&#13;
</text>
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      </elementContainer>
    </itemType>
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          <element elementId="50">
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              <elementText elementTextId="96553">
                <text>Chaucer and the Canterbury Tales.</text>
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                <text>1950</text>
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  <item itemId="10103" public="1" featured="0">
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              <text>Attempts to discover if Chaucer cared about the evil plight of commons in late fourteenth-century England; uses various passages from CA and MO for comparison and  background, after arguing Gower was demonstrably concerned about the fate of the people. [RFY1981]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Patch, Howard R.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="96688">
              <text>Patch, Howard R. "Chaucer and the Common People." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 29 (1930): 376-84. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96689">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="96684">
                <text>Chaucer and the Common People.</text>
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                <text>1930</text>
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  <item itemId="8863" public="1" featured="0">
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              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
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      <elementContainer>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="87789">
              <text>CA is one of 37 late ME texts that Tajima cites in his examination of the history of modal ought, expressing duty or obligation, and of its derivation from the past tense form of the verb that became modern owe, which in OE meant both "to possess" and "to have to pay." He demonstrates that the modal use was fully established by the end of the thirteenth century; that Chaucer's use of ought "followed by an infinitive either with or without the marker to and in impersonal expressions such as 'him ought' " was entirely consistent with the normal usage of his time, contrary to what had been claimed by an earlier scholar; and that the modern use of ought "with an infinitive with to, and only with a personal subject" was established by or shortly after the mid-fifteenth century. He summarizes his findings on CA and on each of the other texts that he examines in the tables on pages 199, 203, and 210: Gower uses owe only once, as an expression of obligation, and he uses ought once to mean "to possess" and once to mean "to have to pay." His remaining 49 uses of ought express obligation, either in the present or the past. The infinitives that follow owe or ought either include or omit the to in almost equal numbers, and 30% of his uses of ought occur in impersonal constructions. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 21.1]</text>
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              <text>Tajima, Matsuji</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="87791">
              <text>Tajima, Matsuji. "Chaucer and the Development of the Modal Auxiliary Ought in Late Middle English." In In Manuscript, Narrative, Lexicon: Essays on Literary and Cultural Transmission in Honor of Whitney F. Bolton. Ed. Boenig, Robert and Davis, Kathleen. Lewisburg, PA: Bucknell University Press, 2000, pp. 195-217.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <elementText elementTextId="87784">
                <text>Chaucer and the Development of the Modal Auxiliary Ought in Late Middle English</text>
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          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="87785">
                <text>Bucknell University Press,</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="87786">
                <text>2000</text>
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          <element elementId="51">
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  <item itemId="9853" public="1" featured="0">
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      <elementContainer>
        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="95190">
              <text>Robinson, Ian.</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="95191">
              <text>Robinson, Ian. Chaucer and the English Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972, pp. 189n, 249, 286. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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              <text>Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="99449">
              <text>MO is encyclopedic only because it contains many facts, not because it is ordered to give useful information; Gower is "not much of a poet." [RFY1981]</text>
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                <text>1972</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94785">
              <text>A general discussion of Chaucer and fifteenth-century writers, with comparisons to CA, MO, and VC at several points. [RFY1981; rev. MA].</text>
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              <text>Refers to Thomas Speght's (1598) claim that Gower and Chaucer were together as the Inns of Court, and Edith Rickert's (1923) assessment of it; then questions the reliability of Speght's sources, and the nature of the Inns of Court as a place for Chaucer, and presumably for Gower also. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Harbert, Bruce. "Chaucer and the Latin Classics." Derek Brewer, ed. Geoffrey Chaucer: Writers and Their Background. Athens: Ohio University Press, 1975, p. 147.</text>
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      <elementSet elementSetId="1">
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            <elementText elementTextId="95171">
              <text>Discusses tales of Gower's which appear also in Chaucer's "Legend of Good Women": Ariadne, Lucrece, Philomela, Phyllis, and Thisbe; CA tales as exempla; use of vision form. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Frank, Robert W., Jr.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="95173">
              <text>Frank, Robert W., Jr. Chaucer and the Legend of Good Women. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1972, pp. 5, 15, 17, 40n, 48n, 98n, 102n, 113, 118, 134, 135-37, 138n,140, 142n, 144, 147, 172, 185. </text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="95174">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Gower's trilinguality proves Chaucer could have written in other languages. Gower shows self-consciousness of poet's art; Deschamps is a model for CB; Gower is a purveyor of classical learning greater than Chaucer; like Chaucer, he helped to establish the idea of a poet for England, and for all time. Both followed as examples for Lydgate, Hoccleve, Dunbar, and others. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Kean, P. M. </text>
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              <text>Kean, P. M. Chaucer and the Making of English Poetry. 2 vols. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1972, pp. 1, 24, 38, 72, 74, 179, 184, 196-97, 198, 212, 213, 215, 218, 219-21, 241, 248, 256, 257, 260. </text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="95186">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Cinkante Balades&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Argues that Chaucer read the VC; briefly outlines VC and emphasizes its moral scope; maintains that Gower was a moralist and followed authority more than Chaucer. [RFY1981]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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              <text>Mann, Jill.</text>
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              <text>Mann, Jill. "Chaucer and the Medieval Latin Poets." In George D. Economou, ed. Geoffrey Chaucer: A Collection of Original Articles (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1975), pp. 172, 173n, 174-77, 177-79. </text>
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              <text>Vox Clamantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>This lengthy notes describes the close resemblance of CA, Book III, 1331-1494 (Tale of Pyramus and Thisbe), to Chaucer's "Legend of Good Women," ll. 706ff. and to the "Ovide Moralisé," IV, 229-1169. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Meech, Sanford. "Chaucer and the 'Ovide Moralisé'." PMLA 46 (1931): 201-04n.</text>
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              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Gower's mentions of Troilus in CA (I, 2794-97; V, 7597-602; VII, 2531-35) show that Chaucer's poem is popular. Gower, like, Langland, did not "Bask in court favor, nor venture upon the perilous paths of undisguised realism." [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Shannon, Edgar Finley.</text>
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              <text>Shannon, Edgar Finley. Chaucer and the Roman Poets. Harvard Studies in Comparative Literature, VII. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1929, pp. 170, 382</text>
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              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Style, Rhetoric, and Versification&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Chaucer and the Roman Poets.</text>
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              <text>Strohm challenges literary periodization in this essay, particularly the medieval/early modern divide, asking more generally whether a literary work can be modern not only by being "progressive" in its own time but by "reach[ing] beyond itself--to achieve modernity according to 'subsequent' standards" (194; original emphasis). Strohm's test case is Chaucer, who was recognized as up-to-date, Strohm argues, by Robert Greene in his "Greenes Vision" (1592/94), where fictionalized versions of Chaucer and Gower engage in a debate about literature and a tale-telling contest. Greene, Strohm tells us, "credits Chaucer's [Bahktinian] polyphonic style and mixed vocalities without condescension and as totally deserving of contemporary (that is, Early Modern) respect" (201)--an example, it seems, of achieving modernity according to a subsequent standard. Greene's Gower, Strohm points out, is associated instead with a strain of "stylistic and moralistic conservatism within Early Modern practice" but not one that matches standards of being progressive or polyphonic. The fact that Greene's persona prefers Gower's tale to Chaucer's is paradoxical, Strohm tells us, noting that Greene's praise of Chaucer is thereby "achieved under a sign of negation . . . the mechanism of negation identified by Freud, in which a difficult or problematic truth maybe uttered, on the condition of an accompanying nullification or disavowal" (203n2). [MA. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 43.1]</text>
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              <text>Strohm, Paul.</text>
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              <text>Strohm, Paul. "Chaucer and the Streams of Parnassus." In Jonathan Fruoco, ed. Polyphony and the Modern. New York: Routledge, 2021. Pp. 192-205.</text>
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              <text>Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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                <text>Chaucer and the Streams of Parnassus.</text>
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              <text>Astell views the "Canterbury Tales" within the tradition of the medieval compilation, not just sharing formal qualities with Dante's "Commedia" and Gower's CA but engaging in direct dialogue with them on issues of common concern. She discerns two patterns underlying the structure of CT: the soul's journey through the seven celestial spheres, as described by Macrobius, beginning with the Saturnine KnT and reaching the lowest point in the sublunary realm of Fragment VI; and the commonplace tripartite division of knowledge into the theoretical, the verbal or rhetorical, and the practical. The latter, of course, is also found as the ordering principle of Book 7 of CA, no mere coincidence in Astell's view, as Chaucer borrows from, and argues with, the philosophical scheme of his contemporary. The three divisions of philosophy occur in CT in a chiastic pattern: "Theorique" is represented in fragments I-II and IX, "Rhetorique" in fragments III-IV-V and VII; and "Practic" in fragments VI and X. Astell relies heavily on the ordering of tales in the Ellesmere MS, and also on the formal apparatus of this copy, with its learned apparatus (which she compares to Gower's incorporation of Latin marginalia in CA), suggesting the poem's clerkly origin and its adherence to the conventions of the compilatio. Though she refers frequently to Gower's works (particularly to Book 7 of CA), this is much more a book about Chaucer than it is about Gower. For her discussion of Gower she relies heavily on our standard authorities: Fisher, Coleman, and Strohm on Chaucer's and Gower's common audience; Minnis and Manzalaoui on Gower as a compiler of received knowledge; and Porter, Yeager, and Simpson on the centrality of Book 7 of CA, on its relation to the Prologue, and on Gower's emphasis on ethics and politics. Her conclusions on the relations among Chaucer, Gower, and Dante tend not to be too surprising: Chaucer tends to be "focused on the present rather than on the ancient past [as Gower is] or on the paradisaical afterlife [as is Dante]" (p. 84); Chaucer is more sceptical and more questioning of closed systems of knowledge than Dante is; and where Gower focuses rather narrowly on ethics and politics and the fashioning of a philosopher-king, Chaucer's view is broader, encompassing moral theology too, and directed to the fashioning of a humble Christian penitent. Astell's book finds its place in Gower criticism as the most complete attempt to date to link Gower to Chaucer in such a way as to suggest his importance to his more famous contemporary. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 16.2]</text>
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              <text>Astell, Ann W</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="82505">
              <text>Astell, Ann W. "Chaucer and the Universe of Learning." Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1996</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="82506">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="82507">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="82498">
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            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="82499">
                <text>Cornell University Press,</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="82500">
                <text>1996</text>
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          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93003">
              <text>Manuscripts of Gower's CA had standardized illustrations; mentions MS. Oxford New College 266 and New York MS. Morgan Library 126. [RFY1981] </text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93004">
              <text>Kolve, V. A.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93005">
              <text>Kolve, V. A. "Chaucer and the Visual Arts." Derek Brewer, ed. Geoffrey Chaucer: Writers and their Background (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1975), p. 295 and n. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93006">
              <text>Manuscripts and Textual Studies</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="93001">
                <text>Chaucer and the Visual Arts.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="93002">
                <text>1975</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="84148">
              <text>Allen attempts to overthrow the prevalent view of Gower as a rigid and doctrinaire moralist, arguing that the poet is fully aware of the complexity and contingency of moral choice and that his purpose is not simply to correct but to engage the reader in the process of moral decision. She cites Chaucer's dedication of T&amp;C in support of her argument: Gower is invoked, she claims, not as the corrector of the moral ambiguities in that "insistently ambiguous poem," but rather as "a fellow muddier of moral waters" (pp. 628-29). Chaucer's appreciation of his contemporary is also reflected in MLIntro, and the bulk of Allen's long essay consists of a subtle and challenging rereading of the ML's comments and of the three tales in CA that he refers to, in which incest either figures or (in the case of "Constance") is suppressed. Her argument depends, of course, on driving a wedge between Chaucer and ML, whose comments both on Gower and on Chaucer reveal the limitations of his own prudishness. For ML, the only moral choice involved in storytelling lies in the choice of subject; he remains blind to the way in which his treatment of Custance itself amounts to "something like incest" (p. 630, citing Wetherbee). Through ML, Chaucer invokes Gower as an alternative to the conventional morality that ML represents. The real threat that Gower offers to ML lies in his effort to provoke the reader's participation in moral choice. In both "Canace and Machaire" and "Apollonius of Tyre," Gower depicts incest as both natural and unnatural; he also exhibits a compassion for Canace that is neither exculpatory nor possessive. He shifts attention from the horror of the act to the moral responsibility of the human will, and to both the necessity and the complexity of moral choice. Amans' reaction to the tale, distancing himself from its overt lesson, also raises questions of moral responsibility and of the process of interpretation that are more relevant to us as readers than are the actions of the characters in the tale. To the extent that we accept or reject his reading, Gower forces us to examine the basis of our own interpretive choices in a way that is destabilizing of ML's assertion of a single socially acceptable morality. ML also misreads "Apollonius of Tyre," seeing it only as an "endorsement of violence" (p. 636). While Gower's tale obviously condemns Antiochus' incest, it also offers an exemplary lesson in growth and self-exploration in the adventures of Apollonius. The climactic moment, his reunion with Thaise, verges on a re-enactment of Antiochus' forcing of his daughter, but reverses it through "a series of subtle acts of reading, both within the tale and outside it at the level of the Confessio readers" (p. 639). While we may be invited to read like Thaise, we are also shown the possibility of reading like Amans, who again expresses his frustration at the lack of any precise applicability to his own situation, a frustration that perhaps mirrors our own. But the only way out for Amans that the poem offers is through reading. "Reading itself becomes a paradigmatic moral activity because it has the capacity to apply to different readers' individual development. . . . The kind of morality that Gower has to offer, finally, is the circuitous process of Amans's internal development, and the hope that reading about Amans's reading can generate a complementary moral process in us" (p. 640). All of this subtlety in Gower's purpose is lost, of course, on ML, "who refuses to see the ethical implications of Gower's incest stories because he has an inkling that Gower's ethics might challenge his moral stance. Specifically, Gower's ethical complexity might discourage the Man of Law's use of a sanctimonious tale to claim social status--and might reveal the ways in which the Man of Law's reception reduces human social activity to a system of violation and victimization" (p. 641). As her final example, Allen turns to Gower's "Constance." Where many have read Gower as if he were Trivet, she argues instead that "he lodges a critique of Trivet, destabilizes Constance's morality, and thus presents a subtle argument for the moral value of narrative instability" (p. 641). She sees the suppression of the incest motive of the original version of the story as an example of the silence that Genius advocates in face of detraction, but argues that such restraint and silence--as represented in Constance's own passivity and in her refusal to reveal her identity--ultimately victimize the heroine by making her an accomplice in the violence that besets her and by helping preserve the institutions that perpetuate it. Such a reading borders on the perverse, Allen acknowledges, and is sustained only by the closest examination of the imagery. But that is the poet's purpose, she argues. "Gower's narratives include readers in conventional or comfortable assumptions which he subtly destabilizes. This process implicates his readers in his plot choices: if at first the plot seems transparent and predictable, as so many readers have found Gower to be, then disjunctive or troubling moments turn the focus onto the readerly desire for predictability and transparency" (p. 646). Our own desire for the more comfortable reading can make us too complicit in the violence that Constance suffers. Gower's very style may encourage such a passivity, and Chaucer's response may thus constitute a critique: "Gower sets up his readers to read passively, and then proceeds to make us ask in retrospect why we read as we did. Chaucer's Man of Law embodies the risk of such a style: he fails to ask questions about his own reception" (p. 647). [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 17.1]</text>
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              <text>Allen, Elizabeth</text>
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              <text>Allen, Elizabeth. "Chaucer Answers Gower: Constance and the Trouble with Reading." ELH 63 (1997), pp. 627-655. ISSN 0013-8304</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
            </elementText>
            <elementText elementTextId="84152">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Chaucer Answers Gower: Constance and the Trouble with Reading.</text>
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              <text>Argues that not only did Gower provide Chaucer's most important model for his tale, but that he also may have been Chaucer's "source" for his copy of Trevet's "Chronicles." The evidence includes the known friendship of the two poets, the limited manuscript circulation of the work, the fact that Chaucer shows no familiarity with any of the rest of its contents, and the very important fact that Gower got to it first. It also includes the indications that the two poets had access to a very similar copy of Trevet, as revealed by their handling of the names of the characters in the tale. If Chaucer did borrow the book from his friend, the result is a more concrete instance of their literary interaction than we have otherwise been able to document. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 11.1]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Nicholson, Peter</text>
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              <text>Nicholson, Peter. "Chaucer Borrows From Gower: The Sources of the Man of Law's Tale." In Chaucer and Gower: Difference, Mutuality, Exchange. Ed. Yeager, R.F.. ELS Monograph Series (51). Victoria, B.C.: English Literary Studies, 1991, pp. 85-99.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Chaucer Borrows From Gower: The Sources of the Man of Law's Tale</text>
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              <text>"This essay considers teaching Gower in a sophomore-level British literature survey class, a class wherein Gower is often not taught but his contemporary, Chaucer, usually is" (188). Chewning describes the evolution of her own survey course over the years. Within the last decade, she has "come to a solution on the matter of Chaucer and Shakespeare that serves as a compromise between my need to raise the bar for my students so they are reading Middle and early Modern English at a high level of competence (high enough for sophomores) and their need for works that are accessible, interesting, and readable" (189-90). Her course now includes "a list of required readings and three categories of options, or 'threads,' for students to continue their reading beyond the minimum requirements. The threads are loosely based on spirituality, love and marriage, and politics" (190). Chewning has "made Gower the central Middle English assignment in [her] British literature survey, and most of Chaucer's texts that are included in other survey classes are now optional" (191). She states her rationale for the change, describes the Gower selections she uses, and how she incorporates the optional works, including excerpts from Chaucer, in the course. Of further note, in this new course she teaches Shakespeare's "Richard II" and ties the discussion back to the earlier consideration of the fourteenth century and the Ricardian court. [Kurt Olsson. Copyright. The John Gower Society. JGN 31.1]</text>
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              <text>Chewning, Susannah M. "Chaucer by Default? Difficult Choices and Teaching the Sophomore British Literature Survey." In Approaches to Teaching the Poetry of John Gower. Ed. Yeager, R. F., and Gastle, Brian W. New York: Modern Language Association of America, 2011, pp. 188-93. ISBN 9781603290999</text>
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                <text>Chaucer by Default? Difficult Choices and Teaching the Sophomore British Literature Survey</text>
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              <text>Dauby begins her comparison of Chaucer's and Gower's social views with a detailed look at "Wife of Bath's Tale" and the "Tale of Florent." Both tales are drawn ultimately from a myth concerned with the granting of sovereignty, but both authors ignore the mythical implications. Without making any assumptions on either poet's exact source, we can identify four principal differences in the plots of their respective versions: Gower provides more of a historical frame for the tale, while Chaucer maintains more of the atmosphere of a fairy tale; the story begins in one case with the killing of another knight, in the other with a rape; the old woman offers very different alternatives to the knight in the final scene; and while Chaucer allows the implication that love transforms the one who loves or who is loved, Gower provides more rational reasons for the old woman's transformation. They also differ greatly in method. Gower's follows a straighter line; he gives names and descriptions to his characters; he specifies carefully their family relations, underlining the importance of social bonds; he rationalizes the marvelous and eliminates suspense--in brief, he privileges the clarity and vividness of the tale, while Chaucer has fun with it allows himself (or the Wife of Bath) several digressions, in the process giving us much more to think about than Gower does. Both offer the tale to illustrate a moral, but their morals are of very different sorts. Gower's interest is more social than individual: all of Florent's behavior is motivated by an effort to keep up appearances, typical of a poet whose entire work constitutes a defense of inherited social models. Chaucer, on the other hand, is more interested in the individual than in the social; "viola pourquoi la poésie de Chaucer nous touché plus pourfondément que celle de Gower." Dauby's conclusions on Gower are based on a rather small sample of the Confessio; her conclusions on Chaucer don't seem to be based very closely on her sample at all. There are also three major factual errors on the first page of the essay, which don't however impinge on the author's argument. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 13.1]</text>
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              <text>Dauby, Hélène. "Chaucer et Gower: Esquisse comparative de leurs attitudes morales et politiques." In Economie, Politique et Cultureau Moyen Age: Actes de Colloque, Paris, 19 et 29 mai 1990. Ed. Buschinger, Danielle and Spiewok, Wolfgang. WODAN: Recherches en littérature médiéval (5). Amiens: Centre d'Etudes Medievales, 1991, pp. 55-63.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="88885">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Chaucer et Gower: Esquisse comparative de leurs attitudes morales et politiques</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="88878">
                <text>Centre d'Etudes Medievales,</text>
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              <text>Uses Gower as a point of comparison with Chaucer, as both man and poet. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Brewer, Derek.</text>
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              <text>Brewer, Derek. Chaucer in His Time. London: T. Nelson, 1963, pp. 11, 17, 49, 101, 135-36, 185, 195-96. </text>
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Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Biography of Gower</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="93862">
              <text>Documents and references to Gower as a law student, Chaucer's attorney, and a loan made to Gower from Gilbert Mawfield. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Crow, Martin&#13;
Olson, Clair C.</text>
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              <text>Crow, Martin, and Clair C. Olson. Chaucer Life-Records. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1966, p. 12n, 54n, 60, 284, 500n, 501-02n. </text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="93865">
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                <text>Chaucer Life-Records.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="82726">
              <text>A comparison between Chaucer's "Physician's Tale" and Gower's "Virginia," in Japanese; not seen by JGN. The reference is taken from "An Annotated Chaucer Bibliography: 1985" by Lorraine Y. Baird-Lange and Bege K. Bowers, Studies in the Age of Chaucer, 9 (1987), item 184. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 7.1]</text>
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              <text>Kanno, Masahiko. "Chaucer no The Physician's Tale - Ruiwa tono Hikaku" ("The Physician's Tale - Comparison with its Analogue")." Studies in Foreign Languages and Literatures (Aichi University of Education) 21 (1985), pp. 47-58.</text>
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                <text>Chaucer no The Physician's Tale - Ruiwa tono Hikaku" ("The Physician's Tale - Comparison with its Analogue")</text>
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  <item itemId="9692" public="1" featured="0">
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          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="94229">
              <text>Compares Chaucer's use of rhetorical "abbreviating phrases" with those same practices in the work of Gower, Langland, and several romances. [RFY1981].</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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              <text>Francis, W. Nelson.</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94231">
              <text>Francis, W. Nelson. "Chaucer Shortens a Tale." PMLA 68 (1953): 1126-41.</text>
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                <text>Chaucer Shortens a Tale.</text>
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                <text>1953</text>
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              <text>Gower and Chaucer share the same source--probably Ovid--for their tales in CA and the "Legend of Good Women"; Gower is a representative member of the cultivated audience Chaucer had for his poetry. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Spiers, John.</text>
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              <text>Spiers, John. Chaucer the Maker. London: Faber and Faber, 1951. Reprinted, 1954, pp. 89, 206.</text>
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                <text>Chaucer the Maker.</text>
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              <text>The Man of Law prefers Gower to Chaucer because the former is more moral. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Howard, Donald R.</text>
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              <text>Howard, Donald R. "Chaucer the Man." PMLA 80 (1965): 337-43. Reprinted in A. C. Cawley, comp. Chaucer's Mind and Art. London: Oliver and Boyd, 1969.</text>
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                <text>Chaucer the Man.</text>
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                <text>1965&#13;
1969</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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    <itemType itemTypeId="18">
      <name>GowerType</name>
      <description>Customized Item type for items in the Gower Database</description>
      <elementContainer>
        <element elementId="52">
          <name>Review</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="87733">
              <text>Gower gets his place (pp. 273-86) in this magnificently produced new classroom anthology by one of our most eminent Gowerians, with freshly edited excerpts from CA Book 4 (1118-1226), illustrating the delicacy and complexity of Amans' confessions, and Book 5 (5546-6052), the tale of Tereus and Procne, one of Gower's most personal adaptations of Ovid and a tale on which Pearsall himself has written our most perceptive commentary. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 18.1]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
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              <text>Pearsall, Derek, ed.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="87735">
              <text>Pearsall, Derek, ed. "Chaucer to Spenser: An Anthology of Writings in English 1375-1575." Oxford: Blackwell, 1999</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="87736">
              <text>Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="87737">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="87728">
                <text>Chaucer to Spenser: An Anthology of Writings in English 1375-1575.</text>
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          </element>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="87729">
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="87730">
                <text>1999</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="51">
            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="87731">
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                <text>PeerReviewed</text>
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  </item>
  <item itemId="9970" public="1" featured="0">
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            <elementText elementTextId="95890">
              <text>Gower's attitude in the VC, with its vicious allegorical on the leaders of the Peasants' Revolt, is contrasted with Chaucer's presentation of common people. [RFY1981]</text>
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="95891">
              <text>Marcus, Hans.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="95892">
              <text>Marcus, Hans. "Chaucer, der Freund des einfachen Mannes." Archiv für das St]udium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 172 (1937): 28-41. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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              <text>Vox Clamantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="95888">
                <text>Chaucer, der Freund des einfachen Mannes.</text>
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                <text>1937</text>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="90862">
              <text>Munro, Lucy.</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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            <elementText elementTextId="90863">
              <text>Lucy Munro, Archaic Style in English Literature, 1590-1674 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 69-104. ISBN 978-1-107-04279-7</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="90864">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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              <text>As part of her broader, book-length study of archaism as a "barometer" of early modern English literary and national self-awareness, Munro examines representations of Chaucer, Gower, and their works in Renaissance poetry and drama. Chaucer receives much the lion's share of the attention here, with Munro remarking at one point on the "downward trajectory of Gower's reputation in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries" (91). Nevertheless, according to Munro, the "embodiment" of Gower in Shakespeare and Wilkins' "Pericles" was "one of the period's most sustained attempts to assert the value of the archaic style" (92), with the "imaginative antiquarianism" of the play challenging the "assumptions about archaism's obsolescence that are anxiously negotiated" in other works, particularly Book 4 of Spenser's "Faerie Queene," where Chaucer's "Squire's Tale" figures so largely, and "The Return from Parnassus," a Cambridge University play that, more directly than Spenser, confronts the "question of Chaucer's scurrility" (86). In its "fragments of a recreated Gowerian English," "Pericles" reanimates Middle English for its original audience, reinforced, Munro argues, by the medieval costuming of Gower as narrator and chorus. Moreover, the meter and style of Gower's choric comments on the dumb-shows in the play successfully emphasize "visual story-telling" and contribute to its "performative antiquarianism" that "foreground[s] the act of the recuperation of the past" (95). William Cartwright's play "The Ordinary" also "reanimates" Middle English (through the character of Robert Moth, the antiquarian) and thereby recuperates the past, but it does so in a more sardonic, less direct way than Shakespeare and Wilkins do with their characterization of Gower. [MA].</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="90859">
                <text>Chaucer, Gower and the Anxiety of Obsolescence.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="90860">
                <text>2013</text>
              </elementText>
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            <elementText elementTextId="91282">
              <text>As part of her broader, book-length study of archaism as a "barometer" of early modern English literary and national self-awareness, Munro examines representations of Chaucer, Gower, and their works in Renaissance poetry and drama. Chaucer receives much the lion's share of the attention here, with Munro remarking at one point on the "downward trajectory of Gower's reputation in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries" (91). Nevertheless, according to Munro, the "embodiment" of Gower in Shakespeare and Wilkins' "Pericles" was "one of the period's most sustained attempts to assert the value of the archaic style" (92), with the "imaginative antiquarianism" of the play challenging the "assumptions about archaism's obsolescence that are anxiously negotiated" in other works, particularly Book 4 of Spenser's "Faerie Queene," where Chaucer's "Squire's Tale" figures so largely, and "The Return from Parnassus," a Cambridge University play that, more directly than Spenser, confronts the "question of Chaucer's scurrility" (86). In its "fragments of a recreated Gowerian English," "Pericles" reanimates Middle English for its original audience, reinforced, Munro argues, by the medieval costuming of Gower as narrator and chorus. Moreover, the meter and style of Gower's choric comments on the dumb-shows in the play successfully emphasize "visual story-telling" and contribute to its "performative antiquarianism" that "foreground[s] the act of the recuperation of the past" (95). William Cartwright's play "The Ordinary" also "reanimates" Middle English (through the character of Robert Moth, the antiquarian) and thereby recuperates the past, but it does so in a more sardonic, less direct way than Shakespeare and Wilkins do with their characterization of Gower. [MA. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 37.2.]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Munro, Lucy.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="91284">
              <text>Munro, Lucy. "Chaucer, Gower and the Anxiety of Obsolescence." In Archaic Style in English Literature, 1590-1674 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), pp. 69-104.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="91285">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="91280">
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>2013</text>
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              <text>In his dissertation Nowlin explores the "creative potential of understanding invention at once as a textual and historical concept," surveying uses of invention in rhetorical tradition and late-medieval English chronicles and maintaining that this creative potential "receives its fullest treatment in the poetic exchanges of John Gower and Geoffrey Chaucer." He discusses "Vox Clamantis," "Cronica Triptertita," and various stories from the "Confessio Amantis," arguing that they present "a dominant authorial persona whose poetics impose inventional control over the disparate narratives of history. Gower attempts to refigure his literary opus as a series of poetic 'res gestae,' transforming poetic works into events constitutive of English history in order to rejuvenate English culture. Chaucer's later poetry critiques Gower's poetics both directly and indirectly, destabilizing Gower's model without offering a suitable replacement" (quoted from Nowlin's Abstract). [eJGN 40.2.]</text>
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              <text>Style, Rhetoric, and Versification&#13;
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Confessio Amantis&#13;
Cronica Tripertita&#13;
Vox Clamantis</text>
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              <text>"During the final decades of the fourteenth century in England, as Lollards attempted to disseminate theological materials to the masses and rebellious peasants appropriated polemics for their own designs, the role of vernacular literature became a matter of paramount importance. This dissertation argues that Chaucer wrote the Canterbury Tales in part as a reaction to John Gower's conservative conception of vernacular literature in Confessio Amantis. I contend that Gower, who throughout his career aligned himself with the interests of society's empowered, attempted to create a vernacular work meant only for the elite. His text reaffirms the legitimacy of the social order by creating a fictional situation in which submission to an authority, Genius, makes one hale. Throughout the Confessio, Gower maintains that society will flourish only when people know their place. Gower's work, which relies on the exegetical tradition, attempts to preclude interpretive variety, for such variety, the poet realized, could prove dangerous to the status quo. I propose that Chaucer, in contrast, anticipates that a diverse audience might access his work and, therefore, creates a text encouraging interpretive autonomy. . . ." [JGN 24.2]</text>
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              <text>Behrman, Mary Davy. "Chaucer, Gower and the vox populi: Interpretation and the common profit in the 'Canterbury Tales' and 'Confessio Amantis'." PhD thesis, Emory University, 2004.</text>
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              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>This--chapter 10--is part of a larger analysis of poetic reception. It is a useful introduction into close-to-current thinking on poetic reception in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. Gower is mentioned only a few times, however, and only the "Confessio Amantis." Attridge notes that the shift from French to English poetry in the period led to a "growing audience for poetry in English among the increasingly large circle of administrators who managed London's commercial interests and the merchants and traders who contributed to its wealth" (228). He cites Strohm and Middleton on our increasing sense of the period's audience and its social status, before moving on the broader question of poetic performance versus manuscript delivery. Attridge offers a fairly thorough analysis of "Troilus and Criseyde," and its representation of both performance and reading. Briefly shifting to Gower, he argues that the CA, like "Troilus and Criseyde," "hovers between the oral and the literate" (238); he then returns to Chaucer with the "Canterbury Tales," remarking that the sense of being caught between written and oral form seems to extend to the speaking pilgrims, as well. He then moves to a discussion of metrical form, which similarly focuses primarily on Chaucer, though he mentions Gower's "strict tetrameter verse" (243). He suggests that the pentameter line represents a break from "the song-oriented four-beat forms" (243). As a broad exploration of the slow shift from poetry as a purely oral form to its later existence primarily in writing, the chapter gives a good sense of a transitional period. That being said, scholars of Gower well find more here about the trends of his period than about his actual work. [RAL. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 41.1]</text>
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              <text>Attridge, Derek. "Chaucer, Gower, and Fifteenth-Century Poetry in English." In The Experience of Poetry: From Homer's Listener's to Shakespeare's Readers (Oxford: Oxford UP, 2019), pp. 228-53.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Language and Word Studies&#13;
Style, Rhetoric, and Versification</text>
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              <text>Nowlin, Steele. Chaucer, Gower, and the Affect of Invention. Columbus, OH: Ohio State University Press, 2016. ISBN 9780814213100.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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              <text>"This book studies," Nowlin writes in his Introduction, (entitled "The Emergence of Invention") "the 'affect of invention,' a self-reflexive process that conceptualizes affect and invention in terms of each other and that understands invention as a process concurrent with the movements of affective emergence" (1). Clearly, the book doesn't lack for ambition. Two chapters on Gower ("'A Thing So Strange': Macrocosmic Emergence in the Confessio Amantis" [93-121] and "'The Chronique of the Fable': Transformative Poetry and the Chronicle Form in the Confessio Amantis" [122-50]) follow two on Chaucer, one considering the House of Fame, the other the Legend of Good Women. Nowlin sees Gower and Chaucer sharing basic poetic tenets: "The projects of both writers . . . actively work to understand the relationship between affective occurrence and inventional activity in a similar way, appealing not simply to scholastic rhetorical traditions or neoplatonic notions of poetic creation. The intersection of internal and external worlds, of cosmological concerns with the particular social, cultural, and political realities of lived experience that make both Chaucer's and Gower's writings so appealing to us today, constitutes the same conceptual realms in which they explore the relationship of affect and invention" (31). Nevertheless, for Nowlin there are differences between what the two poets considered the purpose of poetry, the most significant being the focus of each: Chaucer's gaze turned inward ("Chaucer's poems continually work to 'get behind' the discourses and emotions that structure experience" [32] , while Gower looked outward, attempting to write verse that would transform society ("Gower's poem works to move the potentially productive emergent qualities that characterize the affect of invention into the world outside of poetic fiction" [33]). By way of developing his argument, and in order to "show how this Gowerian formulation of invention as movement--as weie--operates thematically and metatextual in three significant and representative tales" (99): the "Tale of the Three Questions," "Constantine and Sylvester," and "Medea and Jason." Nowlin further provides a close reading of the Confessio Prologue and bits of the Book I, which in his view evince "how . . . emergent potential can be registered and generated through poetic invention" (98). In a final chapter ("From Ashes Ancient Come: Affective Intertextuality in Chaucer, Gower, and Shakespeare") Nowlin analyses Shakespeare's "Phoenix and the Turtle" with "The Parliament of Fowls," and Pericles with Book VIII of the "Confessio Amantis." He concludes that "'Phoenix' and Pericles . . . define their self-conscious interactions with Chaucer and Gower not only in terms of source material, medieval alterity, and authorial politics but also in ways that recognize and build on Chaucer's and Gower's self-conscious representations of inventional emergence" (210). [RFY. Copyright. John Gower Society.  eJGN 36.2] </text>
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              <text>Re-examination of the evidence presented over three decades in support of the thesis that Chaucer and Gower followed precepts of medieval rhetoricians. Concludes that no hard evidence exists to show Gower knew more about rhetoric than he could have gleaned from standard grammatical texts and popular French poets. Apparently Gower was not working within any kind of a rhetorical tradition in England, and this assumption about his reading and education should be re-examined and adjusted. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Murphy, James J. Chaucer, Gower, and the English Rhetorical Tradition. Ph.D. Dissertation. Stanford University, 1956. Dissertation Abstracts International 42: 849-50.</text>
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              <text>Duffell's principal thesis is that Chaucer was the first medieval poet in any language to compose in iambic pentameter. Both to support his claim and to establish its significance, he begins with a brief historical survey of the appearance of the ten-syllable line in French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese in the centuries that preceded Chaucer. This is a tall order for such a brief essay, and difficult for a non-metrist to evaluate. Duffell explains most of his terms well enough (though "proparoxytone" required the reviewer to reach for his dictionary), and makes sufficiently clear how the French décasyllable or vers de dix (which despite the name, might have eleven or twelve syllables) and the Italian endacsillabi (which despite the name, might have only ten) are related to one another and to the English "pentameter" line. His argument does depend, however, on some rather broad claims about the perceptual bases of metrical patterning that one has to suspect might be discussable, and occasionally on Duffell's own choice of one previous scholar's arguments over another's. (It would also be a bit easier to follow if Duffell had marked the stresses in his examples.) Chaucer's innovation, Duffell argues, was to transform Boccaccio's endecasillabos (e.g. in Filostrato) by excluding all "triple time" lines (the reviewer learned these long ago as "dactylic") to create a consistent "duple-time" (i.e. iambic) rhythm for his ten-syllable lines. Such a claim depends upon accepting that final –e is syllabic in Chaucer's verse. Duffell invokes Samuels (1972) and Windeatt (1977) in his support, claiming that their arguments are "overwhelming," and goes on the present some more evidence of his own. This is where Gower comes in, but it is also, I am afraid, where I find the argument hardest to follow. Gower also used décasyllables in his Ballades, but instead of the fixed caesura of his French predecessors, he used a variable caesura in the manner of the Italians. He was able to do so because the words stress in Anglo-Norman, as in Italian, was stronger than in continental French. Humans aren't capable of perceiving rapid counts as high as ten, Duffell argues in the first section of his essay. The French poets, writing in a language in which the differences among levels of stress was not as perceptible, were obliged to base their meter upon the total number of syllables but would inevitably lose count before they got to ten, and therefore wrote décasyllables in lines of 4 and 6 (or less commonly 5 and 5), using the caesura to mark off regular quantities that could be perceived. Gower and the Italians were able to base their metrics on the count of stressed syllables instead and, since there were fewer, would not lose count before the end, allowing them far greater freedom in the internal construction of the line. Gower's lines are also predominantly "duple" (i.e. iambic), in approximately the same proportion as Petrarch's though not in as high a proportion as Chaucer's. "It is likely that the strong-weak alternating structure of the English and Anglo-Norman languages made an entirely duple-time [ten-syllable line] acceptable to English ears long before it became the norm in Italian and Spanish," Duffell writes in conclusion (p. 218). Well, okay, that explains why "duple-time" might be more common in Anglo-Norman and English than in French, but Gower's use of "duple-time," proportionally nearly identical to Petrarch's, hardly explains why Chaucer abandoned "triple-time" so completely and so long before the Italians, whose language, Duffell judges, had a word stress as strong as Anglo-Norman (p. 218). Duffell does attribute to Gower, however, an innovation in the use of the décasyllable that is just about as significant as Chaucer's was in English versification, or that would have been if he had had as many imitators. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 19.2]</text>
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              <text>Duffell, Martin J.. "Chaucer, Gower, and the History of the Hendecasyllable." In English Historical Metrics. Ed. McCully, C.B. and Anderson, J.J.. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996, pp. 210-218. ISBN 0521554640</text>
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              <text>Vasta, Edward. "Chaucer, Gower, and the Unknown Minstrel: The Literary Liberation of the Loathly Lady." Exemplaria 7 (1995), pp. 395-418.</text>
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              <text>Vasta submits the three best-known ME versions of the "loathly lady" story -- Gower's tale of Florent, Chaucer's "Wife of Bath's Tale," and "The Wedding of Sir Gawain and Dame Ragnell" -- to an analysis in terms of Bakhtin's notions of the confrontational and liberating powers of the grotesque and the "carnivalesque." By the standards that these terms imply, Gower's and to a lesser degree Chaucer's versions both fall short. By the time of the three English romances, the loathly lady had already been severely marginalized from her earlier status as part of the official culture. Unlike her Greek and Celtic counterparts, she bears no sovereignty of her own, but must win a male-bestowed sovereignty in order to regain her place in the culture from which she has been excluded. The renewal she offers, moreover, is merely personal rather than natural or cultural. In this last respect, however, the implications of individual renewal progressively widen in the three ME versions, finally reaching something like the cultural renewal of her earlier manifestations in "Dame Ragnell." The means for both her confrontation with official culture and the renewal that she gives is provided by grotesquerie and laughter, which "turns the usual, officially dominated world upside down and inside out." Gower's tale of Florent would seem to have least patience with the notion of the grotesque, humorlessly employing the loathly lady in service of a straightforward moral on obedience and patience that is endorsed by and sustains the official culture. The "aura of official culture ideology and power" is maintained in the tale by the heavy emphasis on contracts and legal obligation. In the conclusion to the tale, Florent's circumstances are improved, but there is no transformation in his character, much less in the society in which he moves, since all takes place in private. The loathliness of the hag, moreover, itself has no carnivalesque or redemptive function, but is merely the effect of her stepmother's antipathy. Chaucer's ideology is equally conventional and equally supportive of the ruling culture status quo, and it is placed even more obviously in the center of the tale, in the loathly lady's address to her new husband. The husband in Chaucer's version, however, faced with a more complex choice than in Gower's, is enlightened to an "anti-official ideology" in his active recognition of the woman's sovereignty. Assigning the tale to WB gives universality to the loathly lady's claims, but WB's own claim to authority is restricted and contained by the humor with which Chaucer treats her for her deviation from official cultural standards. In neither Gower's nor Chaucer's tale is official culture transformed to incorporate the previously marginalized individual. Such liberation and renewal do occur in "The Wedding of Sir Gawain and Dame Ragnell." In this poem, which Vasta labels a "carnivalesque romance," the loathly lady much more clearly matches Bakhtin's definition of the "grotesque," both in appearance and in function; and in her cheerful and fearless lack of regard for convention and social restraint, she offers the "perfect example of Bakhtin's carnival spirit." The laughter in the tale, moreover, is equally at the expense of the lady herself and the seriousness with which the official culture of the court attempts to maintain its dignity. With the removal of the mask of her loathliness and Gawain's surrender of authority and freedom, the entire court is transformed: the previously sober Gawain become less respective of convention, Ragnell fills the previously gloomy court with play, and she reconciles Arthur with her brother Gromer. The romance ends with the narrator's prayer for his own release from prison, in which he repeatedly draws upon the language of rebirth, in both respects echoing the redemptive structure of the poem as a whole. "Unlike Chaucer and Gower, who show the power of the official culture confronting wrongdoers, this romancer shows the official culture's power as the wrongdoer, and the victims of the wrongful power as not only correcting the court but as renewing and perpetuating it." [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 15.1]</text>
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              <text>Arner's study makes two large claims. First, as she states in her introduction, she "examines the transmission of Greco-Roman and European literature into English while the ability to read was burgeoning among significant numbers of men and women from the nonruling classes in late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century England. This transmission required a dissemination of cultural authority and offered a radically democratizing potential for accessing, interpreting, and deploying learned texts"(p. 2). More specifically her focus is on the numerous and disparate readership among the "upper strata of nonruling urban classes," defined as "the most affluent and powerful layers of the population, beneath the wealthy merchant class, in the approximately thirty largest cities and towns in late medieval England. Regarding London: this category refers, in part, to the rank and file of the greater companies . . . artisans and retailers, including . . . prosperous shopkeepers . . . the master craftsmen and . . . other leading members of lesser companies, including…trained employees in their respective crafts [but excludes] servants or waged laborers." (p. 23) Culling from an array of published sources, in chapter 1 she develops a case that the ability of this group to read English texts has been underestimated--and that these precisely were the major audience imagined by Gower for the CA and Chaucer for the "Legend of Good Women," the text Arner (who is also concerned with how these poems illuminate both poets' treatments of gender) examines by way of example. Indeed, it is to reach these wealthier readers that the former chose English for the CA. Her second claim is that "while Geoffrey Chaucer's and John Gower's writings were key conduits of [Greco-Roman and European literature] into the language of the populace . . . [their] poetry attempted to circumscribe the democratizing potential of this new knowledge and worked to grant certain socioeconomic groups leverage in public affairs, all the while promoting . . . dependency for others . . . . By doing so, [Chaucer's and Gower's] writings participated in determining, at the sites of vernacular poetry and poetics, who could legitimately contribute to the production of knowledge in late medieval England." (p. 2) For Arner, Chaucer and Gower "'both . . . were from the ruling classes' [emphasis hers]." (p. 22); their works transmitted values and "conversance with the Greco-Roman literary tradition" (p. 153) to the "upper strata of nonruling urban classes." These benefitted from their poetry, even as the premises of the work effectively excluded, to variable degrees, the less privileged members of society. Arner (albeit in language often derived from Pierre Bourdieu and Karl Marx), as do many others, argues that Chaucer and Gower had different views of what poetry ought to do: the former "offers an art that guarantees the poet's right to liberal self-expression, without repercussions or accountability. Chaucer engages in cultural pastimes as a game, demonstrating casualness, mannered elegance, and statutory assurance, characteristics that . . . indicate a mastery of culture and signal membership in the elite" (p. 157); and the latter "proceeds as if poetry is a means of social reformation and a vehicle for social engineering." (p. 158) In an interesting rethinking of the more familiar litany of "pedantic Gower/aesthetic Chaucer," Arner finds in Gower's work an "agency" for lower classes via the facility of language (chapter 3); Chaucer, on the other hand, intentionally undermined both this acknowledgement of peasant agency and also Gower's insistence that poetry engage in socially responsible ways. Thus Chaucer "helped to thwart one of the most politically progressive possibilities of Gower's poetry and of similar literature in late medieval England." (p. 160) These arguments of Arner's are sharply rendered in her consideration of time in chapter 3. Despite these different attitudes toward poetry, in Arner's view Chaucer's and Gower's work nevertheless achieves the same end: "English literature from its nascence did not offer a democratization of culture but represented a new means of constructing authority and imposing social control as a form of education. Lacking an appropriate pedigree to become the legitimate inheritors of this cultural tradition, readers from the nonruling classes were still refused entry into the inner sanctum of culture." (p. 160). [RFY. Copyright. JGN 33.1]</text>
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              <text>Bertolet describes a London fully embracing a newly mercantile present, which brings with it "all the temptations a rich market can provide." Drawing upon passages from the MO principally, the CA secondarily, and the VC occasionally, he demonstrates that for Gower as for Chaucer and Hoccleve, "the principal tensions in London focused on commerce--how it worked, who controlled it, how it was organized, and who was excluded from it" (both quotes from the foreword). Although the book is relatively short--150 pages, excluding bibliography and index--Bertolet covers a surprising amount of ground. Despite the relative narrowness of his title, his subject is in reality the sweep of London life, for in the city as portrayed here all were engaged in buying and selling, from the nobility to the street beggars to the rituals and practices of the church. To supplement his close reading of textual passages Bertolet produces copious evidence from cases entered into the London Letter-Books and the Plea and Memoranda Rolls. The reality of these vignettes helps shore up his larger, rather ambitious theoretical framework for which he relies primarily on the work of Pierre Bourdieu and Michel de Certeau and the recent economic studies of Christopher Dyer, Martha C. Howell and Lianna Farber. Ultimately this is a book less about literature qua literature than it is an excursion into psycho-social theory by way of poetic texts and economic archaeology. As such, it is hardly surprising to find Bertolet invoking Fernand Braudel or John Maynard Keynes--though altogether refreshing in these jargon-ridden days to discover Max Weber and Thorstein Veblen judiciously and thoughtfully employed alongside. The value of Bertolet's work for Gower studies lies in the particularity of his angle; it is likely to be a book much mined by others. [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society JGN 32.2]</text>
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              <text>Gower, like Chaucer and Langland, knew the Doctrine of Concupiscentia of Augustine; uses Gower as a contemporary source to corroborate points made Chaucer's attitudes to things such as humility, lechery, St. Valentine. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Kellogg, Alfred L. Chaucer, Langland, Arthur: Essays in Middle English Literature. New Brunswick, New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1976, pp. 58n, 72, 105n, 141n, 244n, 250, 257, 263-64n, 266n, 270, 272n, 335n.</text>
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              <text>Brown endorses the traditional view that Gower's tale of Virginia is based on Livy (p. 40), but he believes that the case for Chaucer's use of Livy remains unproven, and that the details that Chaucer could not have taken from RR, which served as his principal source, more likely came from another medieval text. Gower's version provides many of the necessary details and could well have been available to Chaucer when he wrote his tale; but a more likely source is provided by Pierre Bersuire's translation of Livy (completed in 1355), which supplied not only the details that RR lacks but also the emphasis on virginity that Chaucer shares with Livy, a concern that is diluted in Gower's version as he draws instead a lesson for the king on pursuing virtue and common profit. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 9.1]</text>
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              <text>Burnley considers Gower along with Chaucer and Usk in his discussion of the knowledge of traditional Latin rhetoric by London poets of the end of the 14th century. Murphy (1962) drew heavily on Gower for his argument that there was no viable rhetorical tradition during Chaucer's and Gower's time. He was most vigorously opposed by Schmitz (1974), who insisted that Gower was not as ignorant as Murphy claimed, but that he deliberately rejected the rhetoric of ornament, which he associated with falsehood and deception, in favor of a "plain" rhetoric rooted in "trouthe" and "honestete" that directly reflected the moral concerns of his poem. Burnley takes a middle-of-the-road view. He decides that the three London poets "may have known something of the teaching of the rhetorics and the artes poeticae" (p. 291), but that they had not studied them systematically and their concepts of rhetoric and style were less technical and influenced by more general sources. Like Schmitz (whom he does not cite), he finds that there is "an implied moral significance" in the contrast that Gower (like Chaucer) draws between rhetorical ornament and plainness and honesty, but he attributes his use of "colour" and "peynte" in this context not to a conscious choice of a different rhetorical ideal but to "habitual expression which has been part of the common core of vocabulary for long enough to have shifted its sense" (p. 285). He concludes that Gower was less well-informed about traditional rhetoric than Chaucer was. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 7.1]</text>
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              <text>Considers Chaucer's knowledge and possible use of Gower's work; bibliography of influences; Chaucer-Gower relations; manuscripts and editions containing "In Praise of Peace." [RFY1981].</text>
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Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Biography of Gower&#13;
Manuscripts and Textual Studies&#13;
In Praise of Peace</text>
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              <text>In VC, Gower more fully reflects the political conservatism of fourteenth-century London than Chaucer does anywhere; the dedication of "Troilus and Criseyde" to Gower and Strode is only "half serious." [RFY1981]</text>
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            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <text>Chaucer is more tolerant of the Peasants' Revolt than is Gower; Gower's trilinguality is evidence of the knowledge of educated men; Gower's and Chaucer's versions of the story of Cleopatra story are similar--in both she dies by jumping into a snake pit; Gower sees Fortune as an excuse for man's weaknesses; general discussion of Gower's and Chaucer's friendship and literary relationships; comparisons of Gower's and Chaucer's ideas of "fine amour"; brief comparison of Gower's and Chaucer's versions of "Florent" (and "Wife of Bath's Tale"), "Medea," "Lucrece," and "Virginia." [RFY1981]</text>
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Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Biography of Gower</text>
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              <text>Gower is not given a major part in Howard's new biography of Chaucer, but the scattered references touch on a number of details in both the personal and literary relationship between the two poets. Partly because of the lack of any other more suitable candidate, Howard suggests that the older Gower was Chaucer's most likely "mentor" during Chaucer's twenties (pp. 162-63). Chaucer's earliest ballades in particular may have been written under Gower's influence, and like Gower's, may have been intended for oral delivery before the merchant "Puy" (pp. 267-68). Gower was well behind his pupil, however, in not yet having begun to write in English (pp. 162- 63, 225). And with HF, "Chaucer's way of writing turns away from Gower's," in part because of his encounter with Italian literature and in part because a poet in his thirties will leave behind the mentors of his youth (p. 255). Their acquaintance continued, but by the time of the dedication of T&amp;C they had "parted company artistically: Gower was still writing medieval complaint with its explicit moralizing, and he disapproved of Chaucer's satire, with its ironic stance" (p. 373), and there is "some irony, surely" in Chaucer's reference to his "sententious and avuncular" friend as "moral Gower" (p. 420). "There is not a question that the two poets were sharing ideas and tales" as Gower began his work on CA and Chaucer commenced LGW and CT (p. 418). MLT was influenced by Gower's "Constance," which Chaucer had seen in draft (p. 419). But in ML Intro Chaucer continues the teasing of his friend: Gower had apparently admonished Chaucer for his inclusion of MilT and RvT, and ML thus condemns Gower for telling dirty stories of his own (p. 420; also p. 438). And though there is no evidence that they quarreled (p. 420), their friendship seems "not to have been resumed with intensity after 1388" (p. 497). Howard artfully weaves together the documentary evidence for Chaucer's life with what is known about the historical backdrop, particularly about the events in which Chaucer is known to have been involved, and the attitudes and interests that he infers from Chaucer's works; and the portrait that emerges of Chaucer's life and times is rich and detailed. Howard will no doubt be criticized for the lack of evidence for some of his speculations (including some of what he has to say about Chaucer's relationship with Gower) and for the excessively biographical interpretation of some of Chaucer's works: is it necessary to believe, for instance, that the Merchant's views of marriage somehow echo Chaucer's? Much of Howard's view of Chaucer's "times," of course, is seen as through Chaucer's eyes; and since Chaucer was close to several members of the royal family, much of the story is concerned with their public and private lives and with the warfare, diplomacy and marriage negotiations in which Chaucer had some part. But Chaucer had little to say about a great many broader social and political movements during his century. It is interesting to speculate how different a backdrop would be drawn, and how different a view of the "times" would emerge, in a similar biography of Gower. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 7.1]</text>
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Biogrpahy of Gower</text>
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Biography of Gower</text>
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Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Compares Chaucer's and Gower's stories of Lucrece, Ariadne, and Philomela, with brief comments on Ovid's versions; Chaucer is not a social satirist, as is Gower. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Brewer, Derek.</text>
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              <text>Brewer, Derek. Chaucer. London: Longman, 1953. 3d ed. rev., 1973, pp. 27, 40, 41, 44, 98, 101, 106, 107, 123, 141, 180-81, 205, 210, 211, 212</text>
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Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Gower and Chaucer were friends; Gower as an encyclopedic poet; Gower's style as "plain"; Man of Law's Tale was a "hit" against Gower; comparison of "Tale of Florent" with Wife of Bath's Tale; and general remarks on styles of Gower and Chaucer. [RFY1981]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Lawlor, John. Chaucer. London: Hutchinson, 1968, pp. 106-07</text>
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              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism</text>
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              <text>Suggests that Chaucer's "comic and realistic bent" in the "Canterbury Tales" may have surprised Gower and prompted him to remove the "flattering allusion to Chaucer as Venus's special poet and disciple" from CA (VIII, *2952ff.). [RFY1981; rev. MA]</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="95590">
              <text>Reports variously what is known about Gower-Chaucer relationship; sees them as friends and as helpful critics of each other's poetry. [RFY1981]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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              <text>Cowling, George P.</text>
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              <text>Cowling, George P. Chaucer. London: Methuen, 1927, pp. 5, 22, 24, 38, 74, 103, 116, 130, 138, 158, 169, 179. </text>
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              <text>Biography of Gower&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Chaucer knew CA, and Gower's tale of Medea, and may have used it while writing his version for the "Legend of Good Women"; publication of CA in 1390 caused Chaucer to recall his Medea story, so he could not help a friendly dig at Gower in the "Man of Law's Tale," which he was then writing. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Kittredge, George L. "Chaucer's 'Medea' and the Date of the Legend of Good Women." PMLA 24 (1909): 343-63. </text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="93907">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Chaucer's 'Medea' and the Date of the Legend of Good Women.</text>
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              <text>Yeager, R.F</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
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            <elementText elementTextId="83945">
              <text>Yeager, R.F. "Chaucer's 'To His Purse': Begging, or Begging Off?" Viator 36 (2005), pp. 373-414. ISSN 0083-5897</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="83947">
              <text>In Praise of Peace</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="83948">
              <text>Minor Latin Poetry</text>
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              <text>Cronica Tripertita</text>
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              <text>Yeager uses both Gower's and Christine de Pisan's relations with the newly crowned King Henry IV to help set the context for a re-examination of the occasion and purpose of Chaucer's "To His Purse." Though she evidently did respond to Henry's solicitation of her by presenting him with a poem (perhaps the Epistre d'Othéa), Christine provides the model for one not all that impressed with Henry and, once her son was free from his captivity, not feeling any special obligation to support the king's pretensions. Gower, of course, enthusiastically subscribed to the Lancastrian justification of Henry's usurpation, producing within a short period of time the short Latin poems of the so-called "laureate group," the Latin Cronica Tripertita, and the Middle English "In Praise of Peace." Yeager revisits the chronology of these in order to determine which might have been known to Chaucer. "Rex Celi Deus," he suggests, probably predates Henry's coronation; "O recolende" is the most likely candidate for presentation at the time of the coronation; and "H. aquile pullus," with its reference to the oil used to sanctify the coronation, probably dates from shortly later. The Cronica Tripertita, with its allusion to Richard II's death, cannot have been finished before the early months of 1400. The Cronica, which Yeager describes as "the Latin Gower at nearly highest volume" (404), serves the propaganda needs that the shorter Latin poems, in their brevity and learnedness, do not, and it also sets into relief Chaucer's very different response to the appeal for justification from the king. Early in his essay, Yeager argues that "To His Purse" could well have been written with Richard in mind rather than Henry, and he chooses 1393 and 1398 as times when poet might have had special need to remind the king of his obligations. He also argues that there is no evidence that Chaucer had unusual pecuniary needs in 1400, and that examined closely, the envoy that Chaucer provided in addressing the poem to Henry could be read as undermining rather than supporting the publicly offered justification of Henry's right to the throne. In that respect, Chaucer's omission of any reference to the will of God in Henry's accession, very much a part of Gower's claims for the king, takes on a special significance. But Chaucer's poem is also much shorter and clearly less serious than both Christine's and Gower's offerings, and in Yeager's view, that fact in itself constitutes a near dismissal: "Under pressure to write something for Henry, [Chaucer's] decision to send a 'begging poem' was a literary choice with a political motive, both courageous and not a little reckless, in either case heavily ironic: he would present the usurper with his desired 'new song,' written 'al of the new jest,' just as desired – in a minstrel's voice, as verses on command, in exchange for pay" (412). And while not naming God, the last two lines of the envoy may in fact invoke him, Yeager suggests, if we read them as a separate sentence, not addressed to the king but to Chaucer's hopes from a different, higher source: "And ye that mowen alle oure harmes amende, / Have mynde upon my supplicacion." [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 25.2]</text>
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                <text>Chaucer's 'To His Purse': Begging, or Begging Off?</text>
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              <text>Weiher argues that Gower and Chaucer write "Lucretia and Virginia stories that closely resemble one another" (7), despite the fact that they modify their classical sources in distinctive ways. In the former story, Gower's chief interest "lies in the sins of Aruns, not in the chastity or saintliness of Lucrece" (7-8). Most of Gower's alterations to this tale thus strengthen its similarity to the tale of "Virginia," where Apius Claudius's scheming is the central issue. Chaucer, by contrast, "adapts his classical sources in inverse fashion" (8). In each narrative he "uses the sinfulness of men to point up his real concern, the heroine's virtue" (9). [CvD]</text>
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              <text>Weiher, Carol</text>
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              <text>Weiher, Carol. "Chaucer's and Gower's Stories of Lucretia and Virginia." English Language Notes 14 (1976), pp. 7-9.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="85137">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="85138">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="85130">
                <text>Chaucer's and Gower's Stories of Lucretia and Virginia</text>
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                <text>1976</text>
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              <text>Gower is very much in the background in this excellent survey of Usk's debt to Chaucer for the conception and place of love in his Testament, but Carlson does revive a suggestion (first made by J.A.W. Bennett in his edition of Selections [1968]), that Venus' appeal to Chaucer to make his own "testament of love" (CA *8.2955) may echo the title of Usk's work, which may already have been circulating as Chaucer's, as it did later, at least from the time of Thynne until Skeat finally established its true authorship in 1893. "Gower may have meant to suggest that Chaucer had better do something to rectify the impression of himself that Usk's writing would have fostered" (p.31). [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 14.2]</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="88102">
              <text>Carlson, David R. "Chaucer's Boethius and Thomas Usk's Testament of Love: Politics and Love in the Chaucerian Tradition." In The Centre and Its Compass: Studies in Medieval Literature in Honor of Professor John Leyerle. Ed. Taylor, Robert A. and Leyerle, John. Studies in Medieval Culture (33). Kalamazoo: Western Michigan University, 1993, pp. 29-70.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="88103">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
            </elementText>
            <elementText elementTextId="88104">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="88095">
                <text>Chaucer's Boethius and Thomas Usk's Testament of Love: Politics and Love in the Chaucerian Tradition</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="88096">
                <text>Western Michigan University,</text>
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Bennett, J. A. W.</text>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94995">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Confessio Amantis&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)</text>
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        <element elementId="52">
          <name>Review</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="99437">
              <text>Discusses various loci in CA and MO as analogues to the "House of Fame." [RFY1981]</text>
            </elementText>
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          <name>Published</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="99438">
              <text>Bennett, J. A. W. Chaucer's Book of Fame: An Exposition of the "House of Fame." Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968, pp. 20, 21, 35, 40, 41, 64n, 66, 78, 126, 127, 133, 139, 147, 152ff., 157n, 176.</text>
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                <text>1968</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="99439">
                <text>Chaucer's Book of Fame: An Exposition of the "House of Fame."</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="86459">
              <text>This volume collects twenty essays on five Canterbury tales (Miller, Wife of Bath, Shipman, Merchant, and Pardoner), spanning Beidler's career-long engagement with Chaucer. All but one have been previously published, most since 2000, but a few hearkening back to the 1970's. Two compare Chaucer's versions to Gower's in narratives both tell: "Transformations in Gower's Tale of Florent and Chaucer's Wife of Bath's Tale" (pp. 72-90), which appeared first in R.F. Yeager, ed., Chaucer and Gower: Difference, Mutuality, Exchange (Victoria, BC: University of Victoria Press, 1991, 100-14, rev. JGN), and the single essay to be published here for the first time, "The Owl Similies in the Tale of Florent and the Wife of Bath's Tale," pp. 105-15. The essay expands on the paper of the same title Beidler delivered in London in 2008, at the inaugural Gower Society Congress. His focus is "the striking image of a man hiding like an owl after he marries an ugly old bride" (p.105) which Gower and Chaucer both include. Chaucer borrows this image from Gower ("Gower's tale both preceded and influenced Chaucer's," p. 108) but, Beidler argues, "Gower and Chaucer make quite different uses of the owl similes in their tales and . . . the simile is more organically integrated by Gower than by Chaucer" (p. 108). Gower compares Florent to an owl that travels by night in order not to be seen with his unattractive bride (p. 110). Florent's shame is of a piece with his entire character as Gower limns it, Beidler shows. "For Florent, it is all a question of hiding his wife--by banishment to an island, by cover of night, by closed doors, by clothing--so that 'noman' can see how he has aligned himself with so ugly a bride. Significantly, the two are wedded not in the daytime, as was typical for a wedding, but 'in the nyht' [CA I.366] (p. 112). Beidler also notes the analogous significance of Florent's choice: for a man so motivated primarily by reputation, to have the world think his wife hideous would be a frightful fate indeed. Chaucer's nameless rapist-knight is "never once . . . said to be concerned about his worldly fame or his reputation among others" (p.114). Moreover, because Chaucer's Loathly Lady accompanies the knight to Arthur's court, to claim her promise when her answer prevails--unlike her counterpart who waits for Florent to return--there is no question of keeping the marriage a secret. "Chaucer's knight's hiding like an owl, then, has nothing to do with concealing either his bride or his marriage . . . . Rather . . . [he] hides like an owl for no other reason than that he wants to avoid having to look at his ugly bride between his morning wedding and the approaching night when he must pay his marital debt to her" (pp. 114-15). Beidler concludes that, because "owls by nature hide during the day to avoid being seen . . . not . . . to avoid having to look at their wives" (p. 115), the simile is less naturally adapted by Chaucer from Gower's more fully complementary original. [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society. JGN 30.2]</text>
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              <text>Beidler, Peter G. "Chaucer's Canterbury Comedies: Origins and Originality." Seattle: Coffeetown Press, 2011 ISBN 9781603810913</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="86462">
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            </elementText>
            <elementText elementTextId="86463">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Chaucer's Canterbury Comedies: Origins and Originality</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="86455">
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              <text>Gower's, Trivet's, and Chaucer's versions of the tale of Constance form a group; Appendix III gives a careful synopsis of their relationship. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Schlauch, Margaret.</text>
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              <text>Schlauch, Margaret. Chaucer's Constance and Accused Queens. New York: New York University Press, 1927, pp. 70, 74n, 75, 132-34.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94386">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Gower's CA is part of a cluster of poems with love at their center to come out of the English court; also cites Chaucer and Usk. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Reiss, Edmund.</text>
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              <text>Reiss, Edmund. "Chaucer's Courtly Love." In Larry D. Benson, ed. The Learned and the Lewd: Studies in Chaucer and Medieval Literature. Harvard English Studies, no. 5 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974), pp. 95-111. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="96060">
              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>Chaucer's Courtly Love.</text>
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              <text>Biggs, Frederick M. Chaucer's Decameron and the Origin of the Canterbury Tales. Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2017.  ISBN 9781843844754.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="90721">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Biggs seeks to establish Chaucer's direct reliance on Boccaccio's Decameron for inspiration and for narratives in the Canterbury Tales. Gower figures prominently, especially in chapter 1, in a section sub-titled "The Canon' Yeoman's Prologue and Tale and Gower's Confessio Amantis" (32-42), and chapter 5, entitled "The Wife of Bath's Tale and the Tale of Florent" (178-227). Much of Biggs' rangy argument about Chaucer's use of the Decameron relies on establishing composition dates for various tales. It is important for his case to show that Gower's discussion of alchemy in Book IV was revised--and criticized--by Chaucer into the CYT. In Biggs' view Gower considered alchemy a true science (because Genius says so), and in mocking that notion Chaucer continued a "Quarrel" between the two (much debated of yore) that had begun with Chaucer's satirical portrait of Gower as the Man of Law, and a "sharp criticism" of Gower in the WBT--which, Biggs claims (relying in part on Tyrwhitt), Chaucer crafted out of the "Tale of Florent" to condemn "Gower's moral blindness to rape" and his failure "to treat the stories of others and women honestly," albeit that--in Biggs' view--Chaucer thought Gower had the capability to do so (214-15)." [RFY. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 36.2]</text>
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                <text>Chaucer's Decameron and the Origin of the Canterbury Tales.</text>
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              <text>Assesses how properly courtly (and hence how comic) are the eagles in Chaucer's "Parliament of Fowls"; compares this with CB 34 and 35, which are about Valentine's Day, and use bird imagery. [RFY1981; rev. MA]</text>
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              <text>Stillwell, Gardiner.</text>
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              <text>Stillwell, Gardiner. "Chaucer's Eagles and Their Choices on February 14." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 53 (1954): 546-61, especially 553. </text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="95665">
              <text>Cinkante Balades&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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                <text>Chaucer's Eagles and Their Choices on February 14.</text>
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                <text>1954</text>
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  <item itemId="9809" public="1" featured="0">
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        <element elementId="97">
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94928">
              <text>Clemen, Wolfgang.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94930">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="99039">
              <text>Clemen, Wolfgang. Chaucer's Early Poetry. London: Methuen, 1963. Reprinted, 1968, pp. 8, 12, 17ff., 35, 63-64, 86n, 200. </text>
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        <element elementId="52">
          <name>Review</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="99421">
              <text>Gower's poetry is of a "high artistic standard"; Gower is contrasted with Chaucer and Langland as thinkers and poetic stylists (compares CA III, 1243-51 with "Book of the Duchess" 1298-1310); Dido story is "an exemplum"; Chaucer read more Ovid, Virgil, and Statius than did Gower. [RFY1981]</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="94925">
                <text>Chaucer's Early Poetry.</text>
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                <text>1963</text>
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  <item itemId="8481" public="1" featured="0">
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            <elementText elementTextId="84104">
              <text>"Chaucer's Ghoast" is an anonymous collection of twelve short poems (one set within a short story in prose) published in London in 1672, and evidently never reprinted since. It has been described as a loose translation of selections from Ovid, and sometimes (e.g. by the NUC) attributed to Charles Cotton (1630-87). Joshua has identified it as a modernization of selections from CA, and reprints ten lines from the two works (from the story of Pygmaleon) to demonstrate the closeness of the seventeenth-century author's borrowing. The non-Ovidian tales of Socrates and Arion are referred to in a note, but the other nine tales are not identified. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 17.2]</text>
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
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              <text>Joshua, Essaka.</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="84106">
              <text>Joshua, Essaka. "Chaucer's Ghoast and Gower's Confessio Amantis." Notes and Queries 44 (1997), pp. 458-459.</text>
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              <text>Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
            </elementText>
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                <text>Chaucer's Ghoast and Gower's Confessio Amantis.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="84101">
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            <elementText elementTextId="85154">
              <text>Burnley's book argues that for authors like Gower and Chaucer, "culture, whether courtly or scholastic, was international and multi-lingual; the linguistic boundaries which trouble modern critics did not constrain their consciousness, and the connotations and associations of the words they used extended into the literary traditions of French and Latin" (8). Gower's trilingual poetry, for example, shows that for Gower language was largely a question of stylistic register. In addition, Chaucer and Gower's audience must have been composed of educated men like civil servants and lawyers who would have had the linguistic competence to appreciate the rich philosophical and ethical complexity of their thought and language. After Burnley's introduction, Gower appears sporadically throughout the book, most prominently in chapters 1 ("The Tyrant") and 4 ("The Philosopher"). In the former, Burnley describes Gower's political convictions and his method of contrasting the "rex tyrannus" with the exemplary king. Burnley defends Gower against allegations of sycophancy and argues that Gower tended to dissolve real historical kings into exemplary figures in line with (for Gower) salient historical and rhetorical patterns. While Richard II was young, Gower saw himself as Aristotle advising Alexander, but he gradually came to envision himself more as Seneca restraining the madness of Nero. Burnley then describes how the Senecan tradition throughout the Middle Ages viewed tyranny as primarily a psychological problem, and thus signified by the presence of cruelty and anger and by the lack of reason and pity. In chapter 4, "The Philosopher," Burnley comes back to Gower, this time focusing on two tales that teach patience and stoicism, the tale of "The Patience of Socrates" and the tale of "Diogenes and Alexander." Burnley suggests that in the latter, "the names of the participants are inconsequential" (71), because Gower's main point is to create a conceptual opposition between the philosopher and the tyrant, and between reason and the will. Aside from these extended discussions of Gower's work, Burnley makes a number of other brief references to Gower. He mentions, for instance, that Gower views politics as well as the virtue of prudence as aspects of practical philosophy (45, 54-55); that Gower's term "Folhaste," used in relation to the stories of "Jupiter, Juno, and Tiresias" and "Pyramus and Thisbe," is a rare word in Middle English (47-48); that Gower frequently conflates pity and mercy and describes Christ's incarnation as an example of God's pity that extends beyond justice (139, 143); that Gower's story of the "Donation of Constantine" tackles the issue of the virtuous pagan; and that Gower understands "gentillesse" as a virtue consonant with courtesy and reasonable living (152). [CvD]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="85156">
              <text>Burnley, J. D. "Chaucer's Language and the Philosophers' Tradition." Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1979</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="85157">
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            <elementText elementTextId="85158">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
            </elementText>
            <elementText elementTextId="85159">
              <text>Vox Clamantis</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="85160">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="85161">
              <text>Cronica Tripertita</text>
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>Chaucer's Language and the Philosophers' Tradition</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
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                <text>D. S. Brewer,</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="85151">
                <text>1979</text>
              </elementText>
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