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              <text>Bertolet's interpretative base is the emergence of a cash-based economy in the late fourteenth century, and its conflicted relationship with the still-dominant oath-and-labor-based economy characteristic of feudalism. This serves as the lens through which he reads Gower's tale of a king whose illness can only be cured by intercourse with a woman; his steward who, charged by the king to bring him a woman willing to share his bed for £100 in gold, provides his own wife to the king, seeking the gold only for himself, and the wife who, however reluctantly, performs so much to the king's satisfaction that he marries her after banishing the steward for his greed, as one who has his "oghne astat reviled" (152). Bertolet recognizes that the tale "on the surface" examines "the injustice of prostituting one's own wife," but, in an analysis that draws on contemporary economic theory, Aristotle's "Politics" and "Ethics," Aquinas' commentary on the latter, and Nicole Oresme's "De moneta," argues that "Gower's reason for telling this story is much more sophisticated than this and . . . follows his general plan of exploring how the cash-based commercial economy affects feudal relationships" (144). The king and the woman are shown to be blameless under both cash- and labor-based economies, since "the king is in health with a wife and the potential for heirs. The new queen has earned her position as queen with her value appreciated" (153) and the steward, who "has done no honest labor . . . receives no commensurate reward" (154). Thus "the two economic systems stay distinct, even if the steward attempted to blur them" (154). [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 39.1.]</text>
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              <text>Bertolet, Craig.</text>
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              <text>Bertolet, Craig. "'Money Earned, Money Won': The Problem of Labor Pricing in Gower's 'Tale of the King and the Steward's Wife'." In Money, Commerce, and Economics in Late Medieval English Literature. Ed. Craig E. Bertolet and Robert Epstein (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018), pp. 143-56.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>"Money Earned, Money Won": The Problem of Labor Pricing in Gower's "Tale of the King and the Steward's Wife."</text>
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                <text>2018</text>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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              <text>Kiefer, Lauren</text>
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              <text>Kiefer, Lauren. ""My Family First: Draft-Dodging Parents in the Confessio Amantis."." Essays in Medieval Studies: Proceedings of the Illinois Medieval Association 12 (1995), pp. 55-68.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="82641">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>For Gower, Kiefer argues, one of the central images of the unravelling of human bonds due to division and loss of love is the disruption of marriage and family. She focuses first on three tales of Ulysses, emphasizing how Gower has depicted in them the threat to family ties posed by mindless militarism. In "Nauplus and Ulysses," Ulysses always thinks of family first: "he dodges the draft out of love for his wife, but succumbs to the draft out of love for his child" (p. 57). By placing Nauplus in the traditional role of his son Palamedes, moreover, Gower has replaced the confrontation of two tricksters with a confrontation between two loving fathers. Gower's audience would have known that Ulysses was later responsible for the death of Palamedes. The tale of "Namplus and the Greeks" demonstrates that Nauplus/Namplus is just as devoted to his son as Ulysses is, but war turns his love to hatred, just as in the former tale it makes "the same loving father willing to jeopardize the life of another man's son" (p. 59). In "Achilles and Deidamia," Ulysses, drafted by a ruse, gets to draft Achilles with a ruse of his own. Gower emphasizes again the toll that war exacts on three different families, Thetis', Lichomede's, and that of Achilles and Deidamia, who is the real victim of Ulysses' guile. These three tales take place within a series of tales in Books 3, 4, and 5 in which families are placed at risk by outside pressures. In Book 3, "Canace and Machaire" places greatest emphasis on the need for parental devotion, and "Orestes" offers another demonstration of the threat to the family posed by war. In Book 4, Genius offers a series of tales in which love is opposed to militarism. Later in the book, when he attempts to link love and war via chivalry, he is successfully opposed by Amans, and the tale he offers, "Nauplus and Ulysses," shows the praise of military valor to be merely meaningless bluster. Book 5 offers several stories of families destroyed or abandoned, notably "Jason and Medea," "Theseus and Ariadne," and "Tereus." "We can trace a rough progression from tales of perverted devotion to family in Confessio Book Three, to discussion of the militarism which perverts it in Confessio Book Four, to an emphasis on the victims of the perversion -- women and children -- in Confessio Book Five. In all three books, however, Gower repeatedly privileges an individual's bonds to spouse and children over any other -- over the demands of heroic destiny, chivalric glory, or societal convention" (p. 65). [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 15.2]</text>
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                <text>"My Family First: Draft-Dodging Parents in the Confessio Amantis."</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="82635">
                <text>1995</text>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>Reading "Kingis Quair" as a bridge between Scottish and English poetry and as a self-conscious poem about "the very act of writing of the poem" (19), Petrina examines the work's interplay of autobiography and literary tradition, discussing aspects of James I of Scotland's life--particularly his imprisonment and education in Lancastrian England--and the placement of the poem in the largely Chaucerian context of the only manuscript where it occurs: Oxford, Bodleian MS Arch. Selden B.24. Along the way, Petrina describes James's debts to Chaucer, with passing mention of Gower, and analyzes the dedication to these predecessors in the final stanza of the "Quair" (lines 1373-79), stating that "these lines should be read not as generic praise, but as a clear description of the two poets' main qualities" (18)--Gower as a moral poet and Chaucer as James's "teacher of 'ars poetica'"--going on to cite Lydgate and Hoccleve as evidence that "in fact, 'moralitee' and Gower never seem far apart" in fifteenth-century commentary "however damning this may sound" (19). Petrina's treatment of Gower is peripheral (at times, parenthetical) to her treatment of Chaucer's influence on the "Quair" and its reception. She concludes, "'The Kingis Quair' was probably first read in the same years in which, as king of Scotland, James was attempting a peaceful coexistence with his English neighbours; in such a context it becomes a testimony of the reception in Scotland of English writing, as well as of the King's English, here re-presented as Chaucer's (and Gower's) English" (20). [MA. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 39.2]</text>
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              <text>Petrina, Alessandra.</text>
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              <text>Petrina, Alessandra. "'My Maisteris Dere': The Acknowledgement of Authority in The Kingis Quair." Scottish Studies Review 7.1 (2006): 9-23. ISSN: 1475-7737.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="92313">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="92308">
                <text>"My Maisteris Dere": The Acknowledgement of Authority in "The Kingis Quair."</text>
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                <text>2006</text>
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              <text>Conrad van Dijk frames his essay with two postmodern theorists, Giorgio Agamben and Jacques Derrida, and their arguments for the relationship between law and the exception to the law. From this context, he then discusses how two Middle English poets, William Langland and John Gower, present and understand the exception to the law in their poetry. van Dijk goes on to examine how these poets present a premodern understanding of the law and its exception, especially how the exception exists in relation to politics, philosophy, and faith (3). van Dijk explains the benefit of a postmodern reading of these authors: "Indeed, a postmodern reading of Langland clarifies how 'Piers Plowman' fails to resolve the tension between law and nature. It also reveals that John Gower is much more eager to provide a solution" (3-4). He adds, "Gower's work ["Confessio Amantis"] makes an ideal testing ground for how we might reconcile our own theoretical interest in the notion of necessity with an appreciation of historical alterity" (4). In "Piers Plowman," van Dijk concerns himself with the refrain throughout the poem: "redde quod debes." Need is a matter of nature (kynde) rather than law, he concludes (12). For Gower, van Dijk asserts that "the exception in terms of law determines much of his poetic output," but the need that Gower addresses is not economic--it is sexual (18). The basic human need for Gower is Cupid's law--love (23). van Dijk argues, "Gower's solution, then, is to make need the defining feature of love (the exception becomes the rule), and so it is only natural that when need subsides, so does love" (31). After returning to Derrida and Agamben, van Dijk concludes that our "postmodern awareness" of the exception in relation to the law might actually help us better understand "the alterity (the exceptionality) of medieval texts" (40). [JGS. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 39.1]</text>
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              <text>van Dijk, Conrad J.</text>
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              <text>van Dijk, Conrad J. "Nede hath no law": The State of Exception in Gower and Langland. Accessus: A Journal of Premodern Literature and New Media 2.2 (2015): n.p.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>"Nede hath no law": The State of Exception in Gower and Langland.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="91991">
                <text>2015</text>
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              <text>Caie is primarily concerned with Chaucer, although he briefly treats several other writers as well (Langland, Marie de France, Boccaccio, e.g.) by way of describing how access to manuscripts, with marginalia, better replicates the medieval reading experience than modern editions. He follows Minnis in distinguishing the notion of "auctor" from "compilator," finding Chaucer more of the former and Gower the latter. [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 39.2]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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              <text>Caie, Graham.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="92096">
              <text>Caie, Graham. "New Corn from Old Fields": The "Auctor" and "Compilator" in Fourteenth-Century English Literature. Revista Canaria de Estudios Ingleses 47 (2003): 59-71.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="92097">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
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              <elementText elementTextId="92092">
                <text>"New Corn from Old Fields": The "Auctor" and "Compilator" in Fourteenth-Century English Literature.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>2003</text>
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              <text>How to explain the peculiar juxtaposition of pity and chastity among the virtues enjoined upon the king in Book VII of the CA? As Irvin argues, citing the political theory of Foucault and Agamben, " . . . pity is a form of 'power over life' that sovereignty claims . . . " (51). It descends from the classical virtue of "clemency" defined by Seneca as a function of superior power, be it of emperor or paterfamilias (53-56), combined with the Christian virtue of affective pity modeled after God's salvific love (56-58). In classical and Christian theory, failure of clemency (or pity) leads to lechery, as witnessed by the sexual sadism and uncontrolled womanizing of Nero (59-60). True power over life requires chastity, "a power available only to men" (63, discussing CA VII.4255-56). Like pity, chastity serves the agenda of biopower as monopolized by the male; the man who gives in to desire, as did the rapist Arruns, becomes a mere feminized "caitif" in the service of Venus (66). The suffering of Mary at her son's passion was expressed in the planctus, a "script" for the feeling of pity, but in Gower's response to the planctus, he always speaks in his own masculine voice (68-69, discussing MO 28909-220). Although he tells the story of Lucrece in his section on chastity, Gower's Lucrece is scarcely granted a voice, only a wordless, almost subhuman outpouring of tears. Even her last words are barely uttered, "noght withoute peine," and recorded only in paraphrase (71-72). "Her chastity is not a virtue, but a spontaneous natural event subject to the male gaze, compassion, and power over life: she is an object of male power over the household" (71). [LBB. Copyright. John Gower Society. JGN 36.2].</text>
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              <text>Irvin, Matthew. "'Noght withoute Peine': Chastity, Complaint, and Lucrece's Vox Clamantis."  In Russell A. Peck and R. F. Yeager, eds. John Gower: Others and the Self. Publications of the John Gower Society XI (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2017), pp. 50-72.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)</text>
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                <text>"Noght withoute Peine": Chastity, Complaint, and Lucrece's "Vox Clamantis."</text>
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              <text>Since the Confessio Amantis was still unwritten when Chaucer completed his Troilus and Criseyde, the "moral Gower" mentioned in the closing stanzas could only have been known by his earlier (and entirely didactic) works in French and Latin. An examination of the opening lines of these poems shows that they too address some of the ideas about the use of pagan (classical) imagery so troublesome to Chaucer, and also preach an uncompromising unworldliness resembling Troilus's rejection of "lust" from the eighth sphere. In dedicating his poem to Gower, then, Chaucer knew what he was doing--a point driven home further by the absence of the word "moral" in English prior to this context. The term fits a Senecan Gower perfectly--the public persona he had established for himself by the early 1380's--and so helps us see the closing lines of Troilus as serious matter. [PN. Copyright the John Gower Society. JGN 4.2]</text>
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              <text>Yeager, R.F. ""O Moral Gower": Chaucer's Dedication of Troilus and Criseyde." Chaucer Review 19 (1984), pp. 87-99. ISSN 0009-2002</text>
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                <text>"O Moral Gower": Chaucer's Dedication of Troilus and Criseyde.</text>
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                <text>Penn State University Press,</text>
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                <text>1984</text>
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              <text>In this lead essay to a collection of studies on the literary and cultural history of leisure in England, medieval to postmodern, Sadlek reprises the major concerns of his earlier studies "John Gower's 'Confessio Amantis,' Ideology, and the 'Labor' of 'Love's Labor'," (1993; see JGN 18.1) and its expansion in "Idleness Working: The Discourse of Love's Labor from Ovid through Chaucer and Gower "(2004; see JGN 29.2). While work, busyness, and productivity anchor Sadlek's earlier studies, here he reorients, at least rhetorically, to their flipsides: leisure, idleness, and "acedia" or sloth, covering some of his previous territory (e.g., Chaucer's "Troilus" and Book IV of Gower's "Confessio"), but adding discussion of leisure and aristocratic love in "Sir Gawain and the Green Knight" and leisure and sloth in "Piers Plowman." Relations among the classical/medieval notions of "otium," "negotium," and poetry as work also receive revised emphasis, the latter linked with Petrarchan humanism. Along the way, several claims about Gower are made forcefully: in CA Gower "is at his most creative in that he mixes aristocratic love with Christian morality and creates modalities of the Seven Deadly Sins within the context of the religion of love" (27), and CA is "made difficult because of the unorthodox blending of two different kinds of codes: the code of Courtly Love and the code of Christian morality" (29). Sadlek finds ironies in these tensions: though "otium" "was the foundational quality that made aristocratic love possible," Genius "systematically describes what it might mean for a lover to suffer from slackness, pusillanimity, forgetfulness, negligence, somnolence, depression, and even idleness" (27). On the productivity of poetic work, "we see [in CA, Book IV] a defence of the writer's 'otium negotiosum' that is not too different from that of Petrarch. Yet the emphasis is completely different. The writer here, unlike Petrarch, refuses to acknowledge the leisure that made his writing possible but tucks his defence of writing in the larger context of a celebration of legitimate work. He presents mental work as the clear equivalent of manual labour" (29). In his summary conclusion, Sadlek asserts that "the fundamental positions of Chaucer, Gower and Langland on 'otium' are not--in theory--so very different from that of Petrarch. The critical difference, however, is in emphasis. Chaucer, Langland and Gower, men from the middle to lower levels of medieval English society, had deeply imbibed the Christian distrust of 'acedia.' Whereas, a generation earlier, Petrarch felt free enough to celebrate his own 'otium' and that of monks, the Ricardian authors accepted 'otium negotiosum' uneasily, insisting that it be defended only within a broader and more urgent moral directive toward productive activity" (36). [MA. Copyright. John Gower Society eJGN 41.2.]</text>
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              <text>Sadlek, Gregory M.</text>
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              <text>Sadlek, Gregory M. "'Otium,' 'Negotium,' and the Fear of 'Acedia' in the Writings of England's Late Medieval Ricardian Poets." In Monika Fludernik and Miriam Nandi, eds. Idleness, Indolence and Leisure in English Literature. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014. Pp. 17-39.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="96989">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="96984">
                <text>"Otium," "Negotium," and the Fear of "Acedia" in the Writings of England's Late Medieval Ricardian Poets.</text>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>"Based on the premise that the early readers of the poem deserve the attention of their modern successors, this thesis presents for the first time a survey of the early ownership of the manuscripts of Gower's "Confessio Amantis," not suggesting that these owners and readers are necessarily one, but seeking to characterize the membership of the poet's possible audience from the text itself. By discussing in separate chapters the evidence of the provenance of the manuscripts containing excerpts of the poem (Chapter I), the documentary evidence for the history of the recorded copies which no longer survive (Chapter II), and, lastly, the evidence of the provenance of those manuscripts containing the complete text, or once containing such a text or a substantial portion of it (Chapter III), this study seeks to establish the differing readership profiles suggested by the three different forms of evidence and thus to make a general point about the interpretation, or rather, the misinterpretation and mishandling to which the evidence for the make-up of the audience(s)of the major Middle English poetic texts has been prone. The most significant findings of the research is the very clear evidence of the importance of Gower's poem to two groups widely separated in date; attention is drawn to the way in which the manuscripts repeatedly make it apparent that at the end of the fourteenth and beginning of the fifteenth century, the poet's work had a special place for members of the House of Lancaster, and that, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, fostered and promoted by the King's propaganda purposes, the Confessio occupied a similar place at the court of Henry VIII. The thesis acknowledges, but alo seeks to break the silence of, the evidence as a witness to the kinds of reading accorded to the Confessio by its medieval audience. Thus, where supporting evidence survives, it is always assembled to try to provide a social and literary or other intellectual context for the ownership of he poem by each member of Gower's possible medieval audience identified. Finally, in chapter IV, the concluding chapter, an account of readers' additions to the manuscripts is given from which discontinuous reading pattern are deduced, akin to the processes of reference and selection behind the creation of extracted versions of the poem." [JGN 13.1]</text>
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              <text>Harris, Kate. ""Ownership and Readership: Studies in the Provenance of the Manuscripts of Gower's Confessio Amantis."." PhD thesis, University of York, 1993.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="84513">
                <text>"Ownership and Readership: Studies in the Provenance of the Manuscripts of Gower's Confessio Amantis."</text>
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                <text>1993</text>
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              <text>Yeager attempts the difficult task of discerning Gower's and Chaucer's attitudes towards peace and warfare on the basis of their writings. In Gower he finds a change in attitude between the poet's earliest and his final works, which he attributes in part to a reaction to the changing English fortunes in the war with France. In MO Gower argues the justness of Edward III's prosecution of the war. The very nature of his argument betrays Gower's legal training and reflects the influence of Isidore and Gratian, who emphasized in their justification of war the nature of the provocation. In VC and CA one detects the growing feeling that all wars "are more about money than about justice' (p. 104), placing greater emphasis on the motives of the warrior than on the wickedness of the enemy, and Gower's criticism of war in his later poems is accompanied by a greater emphasis on peace, in both cases reflecting the influence of Augustine. Augustine's influence is particularly evident in Gower's last English poem, "In Praise of Peace." In CA, while the dialogue between Amans and Genius in Book 3 reflects "a profound division in Gower's own heart" (p. 105), greater weight is given to the Confessor's advocacy of mercy and charity, and indeed CA as a whole seems to treat "not courtly love but love of order, and the peace which comes when discord is halted and right relations restored" (p. 107). Discerning Chaucer's attitude is more difficult: Yeager assembles what we know of the poet's biography, the opinions of those closest to him, the attitudes expressed in "Melibee" and "Sir Thopas," the effect of the juxtaposition of these two tales, and verbal similarities between passages that Chaucer added to "Melibee" emphasizing mercy and forgiveness and the words in his own Retraction, to conclude that Chaucer too was a man of peace, more instinctually than Gower but perhaps also more deeply and more thoroughly. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 7.1]. Reprinted in Literature Criticism from 1400 to 1800, ed. Lawrence J. Trudeau, vol. 264 (Detroit: Gale, 2017), pp. 163-77.</text>
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              <text>Yeager, R.F. ""Pax Poetica: On the Pacifism of Chaucer and Gower."." Studies in the Age of Chaucer 9 (1987), pp. 97-121.</text>
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              <text>Vox Clamantis</text>
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                <text>"Pax Poetica: On the Pacifism of Chaucer and Gower."</text>
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              <text>Graham, April Michelle Adamson.</text>
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              <text>Graham, April Michelle Adamson. "Penolopëes Trouthe": Female Faithfulness in Late Medieval English Literature. Ph.D. Dissertation. Rutgers University, 2017. ix, 208 pp. Dissertation Abstracts International A79.08(E). Fully accessible via ProQuest Dissertations &amp; Theses Global and at https://rucore.libraries.rutgers.edu/rutgers-lib/55484/.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and LIterary Relations</text>
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              <text>"This dissertation examines the figure of the faithful woman in late medieval English literature . . . . tak[ing] Penelope as its guiding figure for investigating how authors engaged with female faithfulness because, thanks to a distinctive medieval commentary tradition, she was taken by nearly all later medieval readers as a paragon of wifely faithfulness" (ii). Taking Penelope as paradigmatic, Graham examines various Chaucerian female protagonists, Mary Magdalene of the eponymous Digby play, and Gower's Penelope in his "Confessio Amantis" to show that "late medieval iterations of conservative-seeming "good women" stories turn out to contain seeds for challenging tradition and rethinking medieval readers' relationship to the past" (iii). In particular, "Gower's Genius rewrites Penelope's letter from the 'Heroides' to reconceive literature as authorized and even made necessary by morality and experience" (ii). [MA]</text>
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                <text>"Penolopëes Trouthe": Female Faithfulness in Late Medieval English Literature.</text>
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              <text>The "Gower" of this article is the character Gower in Shakespeare's "Pericles." The poet Gower receives a passing mention. As an early modern romance, Shakespeare's "Pericles" is a "hodgepodge . . . polygeneric . . . unsystemic," and that is the point! "In this system, hybridity, change, and generic instability are ordering principles, not deviations from fixed marks" (238). Mentz defines his purpose as "craft[ing] a language to describe the variety and instability of early modern romance fictions" (238), using "Pericles" as his case study. In this context, multiple authorship (including with Gower) is a feature, not a bug: "Connecting this variety to Shakespeare's relationship with co-author George Wilkins and also with the play's internal narrator John Gower creates a version of romance authorship that attenuates and pluralizes itself" (239). Mentz proceeds to review three schools of current critical theory that help to explain the "plurality" that is "Pericles": Latour's actor-network theory of systems that are "centreless" (241); Glissant's post-colonial theory of text as a "relation," not a hierarchy (242); and Caroline Levine's view of genre as "flexible," while it is also "meaningful" (242). He proceeds to review the plot of "Pericles" as a dizzying succession of transitions from era to era and genre to genre, including classical tragedy, Bible story, Machiavellian theory, medieval chivalrous romance, and Jacobean city comedy where the good prevail (245-53)--starting with the name 'Pericles,' shared by the Athenian statesman, but also the hero of Sidney's romance the "New Arcadia" (245). Through all this purposeful chaos, narrator John Gower "provides a through-line of narrative stability," a tribute to Gower the poet, given his command of the many narrative genres that comprise "Confessio Amantis" (251). His foil is Marina, who in her "rhetorical and dramatic variety," personifies the glorious disjunctions of the romance genre (251). [LBB. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 42.2]</text>
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              <text>Mentz, Steve. "'Pericles' and Polygenres." In Goran Stanivukovic, ed. Timely Voices: Romance Writing in English Literature. (Montreal &amp; Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2017). Pp. 238-56.</text>
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              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>"Pericles" and Polygenres.</text>
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              <text>Gower's "Tale of Apollonius of Tyre" had some direct influence on Shakespeare's "Pericles." [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Gearin-Tosh, M.</text>
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              <text>Gearin-Tosh, M. "'Pericles': The Death of Antiochus." Notes and Queries, New Series 18 (1971): 145-50. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="95737">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>"Pericles": The Death of Antiochus.</text>
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                <text>1971</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
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              <text>Challenging the received view both of the genesis of Gower's poem and of the poet's relationship with King Richard, Barrington proposes that from the very first, the CA was designed as moral criticism rather than entertainment, adopting a wholly different strategy but continuing the same critique of the king that Gower had expressed in his earlier works, notably the VC. His strategy in the "first recension" of the poem, she argues, consists of three successive transformations of his authorial self: first, from the moral preacher to the courtier poet in the scene that Gower creates in which Richard commissions the poem; then from courtier poet to courtier "tout court," as Gower adopts the role of lover at the beginning of Book I; then from courtier to the aged Gower himself in the conclusion. In each of these transformations Barrington detects implicit or direct allusions to the criticisms that were most often leveled at the king. In the river scene, Gower transforms himself "from a moralizing didactic poet who dourly sings his lines to a courtly versifier who cheerily accepts the king's bidding" (420), but he depicts the king as exercising his power despotically and arbitrarily. The alert reader will recognize the guise and will perceive Gower's own continued presence in the Latin glosses and in the enigmatic epigrams. In 'infiltrating" Richard's court in this way, moreover, Gower distinguishes himself from the king's more flattering courtiers by offering "wisdom" as well as "pleye": "His verse will bear as its outward demeanor the court's sensibilities, but it will be shaped underneath by Gower's call to reform" (422). At the beginning of Book I he adopts the role of Amans, making a transition from "courtly versifier" to "courtly attendant" (423), but only in order to "produce a text that appears courtly while criticizing courtly behavior" (424). In his initial encounter with Venus, Amans' behavior reflects that of the courtiers surrounding Richard who are not worthy, either by birth or upbringing, for the role. His confessions contain repeated allusions to the "delinquencies of Richard's court as Gower's contemporaries perceived them" (426), and Genius reinforces the criticism by allegorizing the different vices of love as courtiers. As others have observed, moreover, many of the exempla are more concerned with governance than with love, and in perhaps its most pointed criticism of the court, Amans fails to realize their application or to profit from them. "In short, Amans's allegorical confession reveals not his own guilt, but rather that of the court" (431). Finally, as Venus unmasks him in the conclusion, "his fictional roles exposed, Gower abandons the role of courtly lover and reclaims his true name and age" (431), and he turns to deliver a prayer that enacts "the fantasy in which Richard is at once and already the ideal king, while at the same time acknowledging the poet's inability to influence the king without divine intervention" (432). "The 'Confessio' is, first and foremost, a didactic poem; it only masquerades as a courtly poem" (431), and that it was directly aimed at the well-known failings of Richard and his court helps explain why it continued to be copied after Henry became king. Barrington's essay offers a new way of viewing the link between love and politics in the poem, and it reads like the brief for a book-length study which we should encourage her to produce. The strength of her argument lies in its coherency, but it does depend upon assumptions about Gower's attitude to the king as much as it does upon her close reading of the poem. As Wayne Booth pointed out long ago, the detection of irony often depends upon knowledge that we bring from outside the text. Barrington draws numerous connections between passages in the CA and complaints of contemporary chroniclers, but in quoting from the VC (e.g. on page 418), she cites passages from the final version of the poem that may not have been composed until after Richard's deposition. This is nonetheless a very important article, and it offers challenges that well deserve our attention. [PN. Copyright. The John Gower Society. JGN 33.2.]</text>
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              <text>Barrington, Candace</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="87184">
              <text>Barrington, Candace. ""Personas and Performance in Gower's Confessio Amantis."." Chaucer Review 48 (2014), pp. 414-33. ISSN 0009-2002</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Vox Clamantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="87177">
                <text>"Personas and Performance in Gower's Confessio Amantis."</text>
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              <text>Larking translates from Latin and Anglo-Norman French the legal documents related to the case of the underage heir William de Septvans the younger, "evidently a youth of weak mind and reckless habits" (125), whose father's lands in Kent (including the manor of Aldington) were held of Edward III "in capite," and "alienated" into "the hands of most unscrupulous and crafty plunderers," one of whom was John Gower. Also translated is an excerpt from Froissart, describing the capture of the Count d'Eu and Guisnes, Constable of France, and the Count de Tancarville in 1346. [RFY. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 44.1]</text>
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              <text>L. B. L. [Lambert B. Larking].</text>
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              <text>L. B. L. [Lambert B. Larking]. "'Probatio Aetatis' of William de Septvans, from the Surrenden Collection." Archaeologia Cantiana 1 (1858): 124-36.</text>
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              <text>Biography of Gower</text>
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                <text>"Probatio Aetatis" of William de Septvans, from the Surrenden Collection.</text>
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              <text>Ensley's essay is a very useful addition to Gower-reception studies, drawing together analyses of paratextual features of Berthelette's editions of the "Confessio Amantis" (and Caxton's, more briefly), Gower's place in commonplace books of the sixteenth century (particularly that of Richard Hill), and readers' marks in thirty-one copies of Caxton's and Berthelette's editions of CA. She focuses on how sixteenth-century readers "extracted" (a word she uses throughout) proverbs, sententiae, and other commonplace materials from the CA, and how Berthelette's prefatory letter, lay-out, and table of contents encouraged such extraction by emphasizing Gower's role as a "conduit for the poets, historians and philosophers of the past" while deemphasizing the poet's "own voice" and the dialogic frame narrative of the CA (211). Ensley aligns this emphasis with Renaissance humanism, situating her study appropriately among those by Daniel Wakelin on late-medieval and early modern humanism, Siân Echard on Gower's pre-texts and proverbs, Joseph Stadolnik on excerpting Gower, R. F. Yeager on Ben Jonson's uses of Gower in his "Grammar" and on Gower and the cento tradition, and others. Ensley's discussions of sixteenth-century habits of commonplace extraction are similarly situated and supported via authoritative studies by Mary Thomas Crane, Adam Smyth, and others on the motivations and practices of keeping commonplace books; her data, in turn, corroborate aspects of these studies by showing how--an extended example here--Richard Hill extracted portions of the CA for his commonplace book (Oxford, Balliol College, MS 354) and modified them (inserting new lines with new rhymes) to deemphasize or eliminate Gower's dialogic frame, perhaps responding to Berthelette's presentation or perhaps following an impulse similar to that of Jonson when in his "Grammar" he draws extracts from Gower in order to free "the medieval poet's language" (214) from history and the negative associations of pre-Reformation baggage. When she turns to her detailed commentary on readers' marks (marginal comments, underscoring, manicules, etc., reproducing three illustrative facsimile pages) in her corpus of printed copies, Ensley does not explain how she selected them, whether by ease of access or by density of marginalia--if the latter, it would thin her argument somewhat--but she clearly aligns the marginalia with extraction and commonplacing, helping us to see how readers' jottings connect with humanism, how they are characteristic of sixteenth-century reading, and how they reflect early modern attitudes towards medieval texts, including the CA--maybe even especially the CA. It may be a step too far, although an enticing one, when Ensley suggests in her conclusion that Gower's "works may have been so ripe for . . . extractive commonplacing strategies, because Gower himself used them in his own writing" (225, citing Yeager on Gower and the cento tradition). Given the care with which Ensley situates her argument and uses her data, the point is provocative and plausible, but comparative analysis of Renaissance readers' extractive uses of other medieval writers would be helpful if we are to agree that Gower was especially "ripe" for extraction because he was an extractor himself. [MA. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 42.2]</text>
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              <text>Ensley, Mimi. </text>
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              <text>Ensley, Mimi. "'Profitable' Gower: Commonplacing and the Early Modern Confessio Amantis." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 121 (2022): 202-26; 3 illus.</text>
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              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Facsimles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="97475">
                <text>"Profitable" Gower: Commonplacing and the Early Modern "Confessio Amantis."</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>2022</text>
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  <item itemId="9231" public="1" featured="0">
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>By "pronomination" Burrow means the device "pronominatio," defined in the "Rhetorica ad Herennium" as "a device which designates, with a kind of alien cognomen, something which cannot be called by its own name" (trans. Burrow). Geoffrey of Vinsauf follows "Ad Herennium" in his "Poetria nova" and "Documentum de modo de arte dictandi et versificandi," similarly defining and classifying "pronominatio" a trope, along with metaphor, metonymy, and hyperbole--all cited as "more difficult" (because they require a knowledgeable reader) than similes, which "display their meanings openly and in literal terms" (142). The trope substitutes a famous (usually classical) name for another, e.g., referring to a brave soldier as "this Hector," making it clear that not the original, but another, is intended. In the "Poetria nova" Geoffrey builds upon "the Roman rhetorician's neat coupling of 'laudere' and 'laedere'" to point out that "pronominatio" can be used either to praise or blame (e.g., "this Paris" or "this Thersites")--and it can also be used "ironically and derisively . . . where there is no true likeness between the people in question: an ugly man may be ridiculed as 'Paris' or an artless speaker as 'Cicero'" (143). Although the bulk of Burrow's study focusses on Skelton, he also notes instances in Chaucer's practice, which often resemble Skelton's (143-44). "John Gower," however, "is a different case." Burrow finds "no pronominations at all anywhere in [the CA]" (144). They are there in the Latin verse, especially in the Visio section of the VC, from which Burrow cites a few examples in ll. 879 ff.--the entry of the mob into London ("Nova Troia"). (It is perhaps noteworthy that this article was published posthumously.) [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 38.1.]</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="91482">
              <text>Burrow, John. "'Pronomination' in the Poetry of Chaucer, Gower, and Skelton." Medium Aevum 87 (2018): 142-52.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="91483">
              <text>Style, Rhetoric, and Versification&#13;
Vox Clamantis&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="91478">
                <text>"Pronomination" in the Poetry of Chaucer, Gower, and Skelton.</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="91479">
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>Fichte is principally concerned with the very different responses to Chaucer's auctoritas manifested by Lydgate in his "Siege of Thebes" and by Henryson in his "Testament of Cresseid." Gower appears only briefly in the opening part of this essay, in order to provide contrast to Chaucer's refusal to assert, his own auctoritas: depending heavily on A.J. Minnis, Fichte points to Gower's assumption of the roles of the prophet in VC and of philosopher in CA. He also notes the paradox of Gower's and Chaucer's reception by later poets: despite Gower's conscious attempt to present himself as auctor, his works received only perfunctory praise, while Chaucer, despite his disavowal, was almost immediately recognized for his auctoritas.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="88865">
              <text>Fichte, Joerg. ""Quha wait gif all that Chauceir wrait was trew" – Auctor and auctoritas in 15th Century English Literature." Traditionswandel und Traditionsverhalten. . Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1991</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="88866">
              <text>Vox Clamantis</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="88858">
                <text>"Quha wait gif all that Chauceir wrait was trew" – Auctor and auctoritas in 15th Century English Literature</text>
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          <element elementId="45">
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              <elementText elementTextId="88859">
                <text>Niemeyer,</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="88860">
                <text>1991</text>
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  <item itemId="10414" public="1" featured="0">
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="98517">
              <text>The nominal question asked by Ndiaye springs from the character Gower's lines "Lords and ladies in their lives / Have read it for restoratives" ("Pericles" 1.0.7–8), the "it" being John Gower's own narrative of Apollonius in CA VIII. This "leads [her] to wonder: what 'restoratives' exactly does 'Pericles' have in store for us, when 'us' is (as it always was and will be) diverse, Black, and Brown?" (12). Appropriately, Ndiaye's focus is on the play (which, it is fair to say, she finds blindly racist), not on the poet who inspired it; hence Gower the poet figures only briefly, by way of establishing how colors--red, white, and black--appear in the "Confessio," and hence are transferred into the "Pericles" text. Ndiaye notes that when Apollonius "is stranded, naked and destitute, on the shores of Pentapolis, 'His colour, which whilom was whyt, / Was thanne of water fade and pale'" (CA VIII. 636-37; at p.13). Citing "critical whiteness studies" (13) scholarship, Ndiaye argues that "Gower depicts Apollonius as particularly white (with all the privileges attendant to whiteness in potentia) at the peak of dispossession, and whiteness might read here as a promise of compensation. While such a reading may not have been the one Gower had in mind, it may very well have informed Shakespeare and Wilkins's early modern reception of those lines" (13). She also identifies Gower's use of red and white to suggest emotional states (love, e.g.), quoting CA VIII. 845-50 and 1908-11, and black to flag negatives, e.g., Apollonius' depression in his ship's "derke" hold--though the attempt to extend the pejorative color language to mourning clothes and widows' weeds (14) is anachronistic, at the very least. Unsurprisingly, perhaps, Ndiaye concludes that: "The question is not whether 'Pericles' has anything restorative in store for Black, Brown, and diverse twenty-first century audiences, but, rather, how scholarship that unearths all the toxic layers of plays like 'Pericles'-- such as early modern critical race and critical whiteness scholarship--might constitute a resource for theatre-makers who want to produce that play in an informed restorative manner" (23). [RFY. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 43.2]</text>
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              <text>Ndiaye, Noémie.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="98519">
              <text>Ndiaye, Noémie. "'Read it for restoratives': "Pericles" and the Romance of Whiteness." Early Theatre: A Journal Associated with the Records of Early English Drama 26 (2023): 11-27.</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="98520">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Style, Rhetoric, and Versification&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="98515">
                <text>"Read it for restoratives": "Pericles" and the Romance of Whiteness.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="98516">
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              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="83096">
              <text>Offers a new attempt to explain the evident change in Gower's opinion of Richard II that is reflected in his revisions in CA. He focuses on the period 1390-91, the time when Gower revised the epilogue to his poem if the marginal reference to "anno quarto decimo Regis Ricardi" at 8.2973 is correct; and he finds evidence of Richard's growing "absolutism" and of his "quasi-autocratic approach to government" in his struggles with Parliament over their respective authority, in his reappointment to office of men loyal to him who had been dismissed by the Appellants, and in his display of the badge of the White Hart at the Smithfield tournament of October, 1390, in violation of the spirit of the Ordinance of 1390 restricting the use of livery (though this Ordinance specifically excluded the king). He does not explain why Gower, having become so disillusioned with the king, did not remove the dedication to the king in the Prologue until two years later, the "yer sextenthe of kyng Richard" (Prol. 25), the date that most scholars, following Fisher, have cited for Gower's change of feeling. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 13.1]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="83097">
              <text>Stow, George</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="83098">
              <text>Stow, George. ""Richard II in John Gower's Confessio Amantis: Some Historical Perspectives."." Mediaevalia 16 (1993), pp. 3-31.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="83099">
              <text>Biography of Gower</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="83100">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="83092">
                <text>"Richard II in John Gower's Confessio Amantis: Some Historical Perspectives."</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="83093">
                <text>1993</text>
              </elementText>
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  <item itemId="9291" public="1" featured="0">
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          <name>Review</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="91842">
              <text>Meindl does a large service to Gower studies in this article, translating the first three chapters of the sixth book of the "Vox Clamantis," offering commentary that aims "to demonstrate the depth and extent of Gower's knowledge of the law and the way in which that knowledge deepens his text" (1). Meindl makes it clear that his point is not to suggest Gower himself was a lawyer; rather, he asserts that Gower clearly had "an extensive . . . knowledge of legal matters and the law in its several late fourteenth-century expressions . . . and is eager to use that knowledge in a wide variety of literary contexts, whether first-person commentary as in the 'Mirour de l'Omme' and 'Vox clamantis,' or exemplary narrative as in the 'Confessio amantis' (2). After providing the translations and commentaries on the first three chapters of Book VI of the VC, Meindl concludes that Gower is not critical of lawyers per se, but rather that "Gower sees the danger with the law originating in the sinful nature of the men who administer it and who through their avaricious misconduct seek to augment their worldly advantages by its improper appropriation and application" (59). Meindl reminds us that, for Gower, the law is ultimately derived from God. This belief drives Gower's exploration of avaricious lawyers (what Meindl translates as "shysters"), finding their conduct to be exceptionally reprehensible. Meindl concludes, "the poet will make clear that legal practitioners who subvert the law to their own avaricious purposes forfeit its protections and condemn themselves before the bar of final judgment" (60). [JGS. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 39.1]</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="91844">
              <text>Meindl, Robert. "Semper Venalis: Gower's Avaricious Lawyers." Accessus: A Journal of Premodern Literature and New Media  2.1 (2013): n.p.</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="91845">
              <text>Vox Clamantis&#13;
Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)&#13;
Confessio Amantis&#13;
Biography of Gower</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="91840">
                <text>"Semper Venalis": Gower's Avaricious Lawyers.</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <text>Hamilton agrees with Macaulay that earlier critics from Warton onward wrongly assumed that Book 7 of the CA is by and large a borrowing from the Secretum Secretorum (SS). However, he argues that Macaulay restricts Gower's indebtedness too much by only looking at the Latin original of the SS. According to Hamilton, Gower also uses a French translation by Jofroi de Watreford. This text was translated into English by James Yonge in 1422, and Hamilton shows how close Gower is to both by comparing the various versions of the tale of Cambyses. Yet, Gower sometimes uses multiple texts as sources. For example, the section of Book 7 that Peck's edition entitles "Triumph, Humility, and the Roman Emperors" borrows the name of the hostile people "Dorence," and the reference to the god Apollo from some collection of exempla, whereas he uses Jofroi for details such as the citation of his sources (333). Similarly, the description of the nobility of the lion (7.3387-99) is borrowed partially from Jofroi and partially from Brunetto Latini. Gower further relies on Jofroi for the information about the four complexions of man and for the story of Diogenes and Aristippus. Even Gower's biblical stories "were suggested in their due category to Gower by his French source" (15). At other times Gower and Jofroi share the same source, as in the moralization on Alexander (CA 3.2438-80), which ultimately stems from the Disciplina Clericalis of Petrus Alphonsus (338). Yet, in at least one respect Gower parts way with Jofroi. Gower does not agree that the scientific discourse of the original Latin SS lacks authority and is false (341). In fact, Gower uses other sources (like Brunetto Latini and Martianus Capella) to expand his discussion of the influence of the planets. [CvD]</text>
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                <text>"Some Sources of the Seventh Book of Gower's Confessio Amantis."</text>
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              <text>The "John Gower" discussed by Burrow is not the medieval poet, but the seventeenth-century translator of Ovid's "Festivalls, or Romane calendar, translated into English verse equinumerally" (published 1640). [RFY. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 42.2]</text>
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              <text>Burrow, Colin. "'That Arch-Poet of the Faerie Lond': A New Spenser Allusion." Notes and Queries 47 [245].1 (2000): 37.</text>
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                <text>"That Arch-Poet of the Faerie Lond": A New Spenser Allusion</text>
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              <text>Hazelton discusses the Manciple's Tale's relationship to its sources: Ovid, Machaut, and Gower. In the second half of his article he argues that Chaucer set out particularly to mock Gower's tale of Phebus and the crow in the CA. Not only do Chaucer and Gower share the same plot details, but Chaucer picks up on a number of Gower's stylistic tics, including his habit of calling the stories "ensamples" and the pedantic use of "my sone." There must have been a serious rivalry between the poets, as Chaucer contrasts Gower's "romance blandishments . . . courtly cliché, hollow rhetoric and sterile moralizing" (25) to his own "comic realism" (25). Chaucer associates his own authorship with the lewdness of the Manciple and with the brazen honesty of the crow. [CvD]</text>
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              <text>Hazelton, Richard</text>
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              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Style, Rhetoric, and Versification</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Hazelton, Richard. ""The 'Manciple's Tale': Parody and Critique."." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 62.1 (1963), pp. 1-31.</text>
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                <text>"The 'Manciple's Tale': Parody and Critique."</text>
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              <text>Focusing on depictions of shipwrecks, Richmond examines "how the littoral space of the seashore is cast as a source of perilous and problematic material bounty" (316) in four Middle English romances: "Sir Amadace," "Emaré," Chaucer's "Man of Law's Tale," and Gower's "Tale of Constance" from Book II of CA. He first explores the Middle English semantics of "wrek" and "wrak,"and shows that in medieval English legal and historical records "shipwrecked property was a site of contested claims" (316). Similar contestation appears in the romances in various ways, recurrently depicting the "mercenary motivations of a notably English shore-dweller" (328). In "Amadace," the rights of the living are in conflict with those of the dead; in "Emaré," the eponymous protagonist and her marvelous gown represent survival and treasure in a single figure. Chaucer's version of Custance's shipwreck in Northumberland, Richmond tells us, emphasizes the "human cost behind this wreck" (329)--cost both to Custance and to the constable who seeks treasure from her ship. Notably, Richmond does not comment on Gower's version of this episode, perhaps because Constance's landing does not involve a wreck in Gower. He does discuss, however, the landing of Gower's Constance and her son in the realm of Theloüs (along with the analogous landing in Chaucer), even though Gower does not mention a shipwreck here either (Chaucer's mention is, at best, slight). Both versions of the tale include a threat of rape in this episode, which Richmond assesses as a "particularly disturbing and violent iteration" of the motif of the "vulnerability of crews washed up in foreign lands" and the "pillaging" of wrecks (329), a claim that cannot be made convincingly of Gower's tale since there is no mention of either wreck or pillage. Even less convincing is Richmond's further claim that the "perverted spirit of capitalist competition" proves to be the "downfall" of Theloüs's steward, even when the claim is qualified by acknowledgement that the "will of God" operates here. It is fair to say that Gower's scene "illustrates the dangerous position of stranded ships" but it is harder to find in it a shipwreck, much less a collocation of rape and pillage, or a depiction of "the dangerous consequences of blindly pursing the salvaging desire and anxiety over commercial competition" (331). Generally, Richmond's argument is persuasive and/or provocative, but it runs aground here. [MA. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 39.1]</text>
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              <text>Richmond, Andrew M. "'The broken schippus he ther fonde': Shipwrecks and the Human Costs of Investment Capital in Middle English Romance." Neophilologus 99 (2015): 315-33.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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                <text>"The broken schippus he ther fonde": Shipwrecks and the Human Costs of Investment Capital in Middle English Romance.</text>
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              <text>In his dissertation Grigsby examines leprosy, bubonic plague, and syphilis in various texts to show how "doctors, priests, and literary authors interpreted certain diseases through a moral filter" (abstract) in late medieval and early modern England. His treatment of Gower is brief (pp. 139-43), commenting on leprosy and its associations with various sins in "Mirour de l'Omme" and "Confessio Amantis." [MA].</text>
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              <text>Grigsby, Bryon Lee. </text>
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              <text>Grigsby, Bryon Lee. "The doctour maketh this descriptioun": The Moral and Social Meanings of Leprosy and Bubonic Plague in Literary, Theological, and Medical Texts of the English Middle Ages and Renaissance. Ph.D. Dissertation. Loyola University, 2000. vii, 324 pp. Dissertation Abstracts International A60.12. Fully accessible via ProQuest Dissertations &amp; Theses Global.</text>
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              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism&#13;
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Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>"The doctour maketh this descriptioun": The Moral and Social Meanings of Leprosy and Bubonic Plague in Literary, Theological, and Medical Texts of the English Middle Ages and Renaissance.&#13;
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              <text>Burke argues that although the anonymous poem she translates and discusses neither influenced Gower nor was influenced by him, being composed after 1424, as one of the responses to Alain Chartier's "Belle dame sans mercy," it nonetheless should be seen "in context" (the term borrowed, in this sense, from Ardis Butterfield) with the "Confessio Amantis." Both are among "the riches of a common literary culture including, but not limited to, demonstrable 'borrowing' or direct influence from one text to another" (177). Burke makes a strong case for belated recognition, noting that the "Confession de la belle fille" had a fame substantially greater in its day than at present, as evidenced by some 45 extant manuscripts (197, n.14). Citing Jacqueline Cerquiglini-Toulet, Burke connects the French poem and the CA as representatives of "confessional poems" (183) that use "orthodox confession to a Christian priest" (182) for literary/fictional purposes. There are, she notes, significant differences, however: Gower "generally attempts to present the claims of an earthly love as in harmony with a Christian's obligation to follow the commandments of God" (184) while the "Belle fille" is "a frank parody of a Christian confession, where 'sins' against love equate to chastity in Christian terms, and a 'priest' commands his young female penitent to surrender her 'heart and body' not to God but to her lover's desire" (184). The closest the CA comes to this treatment is in "The Tale of Jephthah's Daughter," where the message is "lose your virginity now for tomorrow may be too late" (186) and more significantly in the "Tale of Rosiphelee" (both from Book 4, "Sloth," at 1565ff. and 1245ff., respectively), which carries the same message. Genius succeeds in linking such tales to an encomium of "procreation as a 'good' of marriage," but close examination, Burke claims, shows Gower's tone to be one of "mock religious parody" (186), not unlike that of the "Belle fille." [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 38.1.]</text>
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              <text>Burke, Linda. "'The Girl's Confession of Love': A Bilingual Edition and Translation of the Fifteenth-Century 'La Confession de la Belle Fille,' also Known as 'La Confession d'Amours,' with Introduction and Notes." Mediaevalistik 30 (2018 for 2017): 177-224. </text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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                <text>"The Girl's Confession of Love": A Bilingual Edition and Translation of the Fifteenth-Century "La Confession de la Belle Fille," also Known as "La Confession d'Amours," with Introduction and Notes.</text>
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              <text>In her dissertation, Otey shows that Clanvowe's "Boke of Cupide" and his "The Two Ways" establish him as "an intense and innovative writer of vernacular theology" (183), assessing the writer in light of Lollard discourse on the use of English in religious writing and political reactions against such discourse. She includes comments on Chaucer's and Gower's uses of English in religious contexts, evincing that both poets use it for nationalistic purposes, but that Gower, more than Chaucer, reflects "anxiety" about doing so. Addressing Gower's stylistic "middel weie" as reference to using vernacular English in his "Confessio Amantis," commenting on Gower's recitation of the story of Babel, and treating Latin as a framing device for his English poem, Otey concludes that "Gower, perhaps more than any of his contemporaries, exhibits an anxiety precipitated by using English for religious writing at a time when it was increasingly controversial to do so" (160). [MA]</text>
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              <text>Otey, Kirsten Johnson.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Otey, Kirsten Johnson. "The law of God in here modyr tonge": The Vernacular Theology of Sir John Clanvowe. Ph.D. Dissertation. University of Colorado at Boulder, 1999. viii, 198 pp. Dissertation Abstracts International A60.12. Fully accessible vis ProQuest Dissertations &amp; Theses Global.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="98148">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Language and Word Studies</text>
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                <text>"The law of God in here modyr tonge": The Vernacular Theology of Sir John Clanvowe.</text>
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                <text>1999</text>
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              <text>Frank considers Chaucer's "Legend of Good Women" as "Chaucer's first collection of tales told" (66), using Gower's "Confessio Amantis" for comparison in one instance, and observing more generally that the stories in each work "have a point"--in the case of Gower, a "moral scheme" which he "takes seriously"; in Chaucer, a "simple value scheme" which "he takes lightly." The individual tales in both collections, moreover, share an "easy, unimpeded succession of events" (67) that is not particularly consistent with modern taste and concerns, Frank tells us, and he offers a summary of Gower's "Mundus and Paulina" (CA, Book I, 761ff.) as an example. He details a "variety of possibilities for expanded treatment" in the tale--issues of "character and psychology" (68) irrelevant in Gower's brisk narrative which epitomizes for Frank the "power" and "appeal of bald story" (69). Chaucer's legend of Cleopatra is not quite as successful in this regard, even though both tales exemplify the "perfectly legitimate activity" of "the brief recording of a story" (71). The moral concerns of the CA and the love concerns of LGW--even the multiple concerns of "The Canterbury Tales"--Frank maintains, are fundamentally excuses to tell stories. [MA. Copyright. John Gower Society eJGN 41.2.]</text>
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              <text>Frank, Robert Worth, Jr.</text>
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              <text>Frank, Robert Worth, Jr. "The Legend of Good Women: Some Implications." In Rossell Hope Robbins, ed. Chaucer at Albany (New York: Burt Franklin, 1975), pp. 63-76.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96905">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Style, Rhetoric, and Versification&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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                <text>"The Legend of Good Women": Some Implications.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>1975</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Gastle, Brian L.</text>
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              <text>Gastle, Brian L. "'The Lucre of Marchandie': Poet, Patron, and Payment in Gower's "Confessio Amantis'." In Russell A. Peck and R. F. Yeager, eds. John Gower: Others and the Self. Publications of the John Gower Society XI (Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 2017), pp. 283-94. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="90828">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Biography of Gower</text>
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          <name>Review</name>
          <description/>
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              <text>This essay focuses on the specifically "Ricardian" dedicatory passages at the beginning and end of the CA as compared with the passages that replaced them in "recensions" of the CA addressed to Henry IV. As Gower describes his chance encounter with Richard II on the royal barge in Ricardian version of the poem, he received a "charge" from his king to perform the "busynesse" of manufacturing a product, a poem (285, citing CA Prol.47-56*). The poet's humble service and the commercial quality of the transaction are reinforced in the closing dedicatory passage of the Ricardian version (CA VIII.3050-52*, discussed at 289). In the replacement passage found in the Henrician Prologue, Gower abandons the persona of the dependent/supplicant to state his authorial intention with a bold first person indicative verb (CA Prol.52-52, 62-63, discussed at 289). In the final dedicatory passage as found in the Henrician version, Gower deleted the suggestion of patronage by expressing his moral agenda--to advise on the common good--in first person indicative constructions, with himself as subject, and with no suggestion of subservience or hope of royal favor (291). In the same passage, he indicates his discomfort with the "business" of exchanging payment for product--"the lucre of marchandie" (CA VIII.3037, discussed at 292)--as tending to corruption. It seems his intent was to establish a moral voice independent of patronage: "In the end, his most significant allegiance is neither to Richard nor to Henry, but to his craft" (294). [LBB. Copyright. John Gower Society. JGN 36.2].</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="90823">
                <text>"The Lucre of Marchandie": Poet, Patron, and Payment in Gower's "Confessio Amantis."</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="90824">
                <text>2017</text>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>Alongside Chaucer, and to a lesser degree Lydgate, Gower figures as a touchstone in Cooper's essay, their poetry first recognized in the earlier sixteenth century as "rare late medieval exceptions to the predominant papist norm" (244), their rough, "native" English simultaneously judged preferable to imported "ynkehorne termes" and (quoting Thomas Wilson) "the habit of returning travelers to 'pouder their talke with ouersea language'" (246). By the 1590s, however, Gower's language, and Chaucer's and Lydgate's, was seen as in need of "improvement"--largely the vocabulary adopted from humanism, one result of which being that while the quality of Gower's versification was devalued, the morals of his matter retained esteem. Notably, Cooper concludes with Ben Jonson's "English Grammar" (1623/1640), pointing out "Not least interestingly, [Jonson] takes a high proportion of his examples of the language from Gower and Chaucer, in a practical confirmation of the belief that it was with them that the language had moved from its initial barbarism to achieve excellence" (257). [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society eJGN 40.1]</text>
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              <text>Cooper, Helen.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92538">
              <text>Cooper, Helen. "'The most excellent creatures are not ever born perfect': Early Modern Attitudes to Middle English." In Imagining Medieval English: Language Structures and Theories, 500-1500. Ed. Tim William Machan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. Pp. 241-60.</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92539">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Language and Word Studies&#13;
Style, Rhetoric, and Versification</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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              <elementText elementTextId="92534">
                <text>"The most excellent creatures are not ever born perfect": Early Modern Attitudes to Middle English.</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="92535">
                <text>2016</text>
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              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="96932">
              <text>Hines reads Gower's "The Jew and the Pagan" in dialogue with Chaucer's "Prioress's Tale" in order to "see how intersections of justice and pity are formed by processes of identity and identification--who can and cannot feel pity, who can and cannot be identified with (132). She claims Gower's and Chaucer's tales in dealing with pity and violent justice "belong to an emergent 'structure of feeling' in fourteenth-century England" (132), using Raymond Williams's term. To elucidate her use of Williams's term, Hines discusses emergent affective experience, and then notes that such structures of feeling are located in language change. To apply this to the late fourteenth century Middle English lexicon, Hines details the uses of the word "pitee"--particularly in Gower and Chaucer's works where violent justice and pity intersect along anti-Semitic lines. She suggests "we can see [Gower and Chaucer] exploring the social, ethical, and religious complexities of the juncture between pity and justice in the processes of identity and identification" (133). Turning to Gower's "The Jew and the Pagan," Hines establishes Gower's use of pity in Book VII of "Confessio Amantis," assessing how he "identifies pity as incarnational" (134). Hines explains that, in this context, "The Jew and the Pagan" is "an example of and warning against misguided attachment to justice without mercy" (134). Quoting lines 3330-35, Hines asserts that Gower includes an extended gloss on Matthew 5:7 but changes it in one critical way by suggesting that those who show pity deserve pity. She continues, then, to demonstrate how Gower frames the foes of those who serve pity, naming two significant consequences for such an intersection of pity and justice. For Hines, "The real danger in Gower's tale, however, is that pitilessness becomes an 'essential' part of Jewish identity," (136), which of course then means that, by the tale's logic, the violent justice the Jew receives is somehow deserved. While agreeing with R. F. Yeager's assertion that "decision serves as the foundational marker of Jewishness for Gower in this tale," Hines adds that Gower's descriptions of such decision and the feelings that motivate it "ground Jewish difference in bodily difference and essentialize Jewish 'perversity' in ways that directly tie into medieval antisemitic narratives" (136). Hines presents a useful close reading of the tale to illustrate her argument, then, before shifting her discussion to the "Prioress's Tale." The comparison hinges upon Gower's and Chaucer's shared use of the verb "deserve"--the desert being pity in Gower and evil in Chaucer. Hines suggests Chaucer's tale "reflects the structure we saw in Gower that the pitying deserve violent justice" (138). In Chaucer's tale, the one pitying is the mother searching for her slain son, framing her as being persecuted despite being part of the Christian majority of the tale. Hines then discusses the critical discourse surrounding the Prioress vis-à-vis her portrait in the "General Prologue" compared to the tale she tells. She concludes "pity often falls into patterns of maintaining the self and the same" (139); furthermore, "for Chaucer and Gower, 'not-Jewish' resolves in an identity that is able to feel and embody pity and that merits violent justice through its pity" (139). [JGS. Copyright. John Gower Society eJGN 41.2.]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96933">
              <text>Hines, Jessica.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96934">
              <text>Hines, Jessica. "'The pitous pite deserveth': Justice, Violence, and Pity in the "Prioress's Tale" and 'The Jew and the Pagan'" Exemplaria 34, no. 2 (2022), pp. 130-47.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96935">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Language and Word Studies&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="96930">
                <text>"The pitous pite deserveth": Justice, Violence, and Pity in the "Prioress's Tale" and "The Jew and the Pagan."</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>2022</text>
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          <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="98697">
              <text>This article concerns the bedchamber scene in Shakespeare's "Cymbeline" 2.2, specifically Innogen's reading the "Tale of Tereus" (2.2.45) just before she falls asleep and Giacomo emerges from a trunk to spy on her. The Ovidian story describes a rape, and Giacomo's action is a kind of rape although physical touching does not occur. Boecker addresses two previous deficiencies in scholarship on Innogen's reading: the exclusive focus on the rapist mind of Giacomo, at the expense of Innogen's mind in the act of reading, reducing her to a passive victim (416); and the assumption that Innogen's book must be Ovid's "Metamorphoses" (418). For Shakespeare and his audience, Boecker argues, the "Tale of Tereus" included a tradition of English Ovidiana where Procne and Philomela also figure prominently, and which offer insight into the consciousness of Innogen, her active "non-conformism" (417), and the early modern women poets who embraced the tale (418-19). Thus, Innogen's book is better understood as an "amalgam" of Ovid and four English intertexts: Chaucer, Gower, George Gascoigne, and George Pettie (419). Gower's "Tale of Tereus" is told as an exemplum against "ravine," a violent branch of avarice including rape (422). In its equal focus on Procne and Philomela, Gower's version provided Innogen with a model of female "agency" against oppression by the male (422). Tereus mutilates Philomela only after she has threatened to tell the world of his crime (423). Not only does Procne carry out a gruesome revenge on Tereus, but even as a bird she continues to broadcast his perfidy (423). Gower's version also invokes the political theory of Giles of Rome whereby a virtuous monarch is like a faithful husband. This resonates with Innogen's insight that if Posthumus is unfaithful to her, which as a faithful wife she does not believe, he has also "forgot Britain" (424). [LBB. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 44.1]</text>
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
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              <text>Boecker, Bettina.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="98699">
              <text>Boecker, Bettina. "'The Tale of Tereus' and the Story of Procne: Innogen's Bedside Reading." Shakespeare 20.3 (2024): 415-32.</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="98700">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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                <text>"The Tale of Tereus" and the Story of Procne: Innogen's Bedside Reading.</text>
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              <text>Roger Ladd's essay reconsiders the use of Gower in Shakespeare's "Pericles" and "asks not only why the later playwright might have been interested in the Apollonius story, but also why Gower's version of it within the larger context of the ending of 'Confessio Amantis' might have been particularly relevant for adaptation into a play in the early seventeenth century" (190). Ladd begins with a careful review of the relevant evidence concerning Gower's age at the completion of the CA and then turns to "Pericles," arguing that whatever ambiguities exist about the accuracy of Gower's own self-depiction as an aged man, the play consistently uses Gower to give voice to strong oppositions between youth and age. Ladd concludes by arguing that the final chorus in "Pericles" functions in a way that is strikingly similar to Gower's self-revelation at the end of the CA: "the final chorus ultimately performs a similar function to the revelation of Gower's identity as Amans in 'Confessio'--both break a love-story framework to assert a degree of moral certainty--Gower-Amans' realization that he is too old for such things, and Gower the chorus' assertion that virtue and vice can be rewarded and punished appropriately" (199). This moral may fall short in the end, but the structural parallel provides some evidence of the depth of Shakespeare's engagement with Gower and his understanding of the place of the Apollonius tale within the CA as a whole. [EK. Copyright. The John Gower Society eJGN 40.1]</text>
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              <text>Ladd, Roger A. "'To Hear an Old Man Sing': Apollonius, Pericles and the Age of Gower." In Studies in the Age of Gower: A Festschrift in Honour of R. F. Yeager. Ed. Susannah Mary Chewning. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2020. Pp. 189-200.</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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                <text>"To Hear an Old Man Sing": Apollonius, Pericles and the Age of Gower.</text>
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              <text>Speed offers in this essay a clear and flexible commentary on CA that might well find its way into a critical anthology intended for collegiate use. She treats CA in as an example of the "counter-Virgilian tradition" (381) of the "translatio imperii" from Troy to London (by way of Rome), and she contrasts the heroic-epic destiny in Virgil's "Aeneid" with the emphasis on "human decision-making" (390) in works about Troy by Ovid, Guido delle Colonne, Benoît de Sainte-Maure, and Gower. The Virgilian / "counter-Virgilian" distinction is not new, nor are the lineaments of the transmission of the story summarized here, but, after noting Gower's concern with Troy in "Vox Clamantis" and "Cronica Tripertita," Speed sharpens awareness of the fundamental importance of Trojan material for the CA, thematically and structurally, charting the twenty Trojan narratives of the work and their sources (none of them directly Virgilian), observing that the twenty "represent over one-fifth of the tales by volume" of the work, along with additional "brief exemplary allusions in the frame story" (385) and other allusions and references. This demonstration of the quantity of Trojan material in CA is matched by the quality of Speed's discussions of selected paired Trojan tales and paired Trojan characters, showing, for example, that the content of the "second and second-last" of Gower's Trojan tales ("The Trojan Horse" and "Paris and Helen," both from Benoît) "self-evidently frames the legendary context for all the others, and their positioning arguably constructs an unavoidable discursive significance for all" (385). Speed does not say that focus on Trojan political "treachery and folly" (387) obviates the penitential concerns of Gower's frame narrative--hypocrisy in the Horse narrative or sacrilege when Paris and Helen meet in a temple--but that "counter-Virgilian" politics are never far away from the personal concerns, layering and analogizing political and penitential themes. In similar fashion, the "prominence" of Achilles and Ulysses, as opposed to Aeneas, in CA "works against any possibility of glamourizing Troy" or Virgil's hero (388) while keeping in focus the importance of the legend of Troy as a political antecedent to Gower's contemporary London. Moreover, the original Prologue to the CA and its revised version, Speed shows, as well as its original and revised conclusions, combine poetic and political awareness, evincing the importance of the "myth of Troy" for Gower and for English poetry as well as for the nation of England--"translatio studii et imperii" (392). [MA. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 40.2.]</text>
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              <text>Speed, Diane.</text>
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              <text>Medieval Translator / Traduire au Moyen Âge 14 (2018): 379-93.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92850">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="92845">
                <text>"Translatio Imperii" and Gower's "Confessio Amantis." </text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>2018</text>
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              <text>Whitman, following John H. Fisher's lead, sees "Troilus and Criseyde" in many ways a product of Chaucer's reading of Gower, e.g.: "the philosophy of Chaucer's poem . . . is but a development of the first thirty-six lines of Gower's 'Mirour'" (1). Where Fisher finds that Chaucer "refines [temporal love] and makes a tragedy of its eventual insufficiency," however, Whitman contends contrarily that the idea is "misleading": "too much has been made of Troilus as a tragic figure and insufficient of his foolishness" (2). "Chaucer," Whitman argues, "is even closer to Gower in sentiment" than many realize; the two especially agree on the character and condition of "the knight in love" (2). This for Whitman is fully expressed in the "Vox Clamantis" V, where Gower presents the debilitating effects love has on knights, and he traces this through Chaucer's poem by pointing out the "comedy" of Troilus' wooing in Book III, "swooning, then being thrown on the bed" (4), and the undercutting of "tender" scenes of parting in Books IV and V with outlandish description (4-5). In effect, he finds that love causes Troilus to "become impotent" (6) and eventually "blind and idolatrous" (8). Chaucer's narrator, however, equates "love with good," but this is also naïve, and not representative of Chaucer's own views, which lie closer to Gower's (and Andreas Capellanus's): "that any man who devotes his efforts to love loses all his usefulness" (11). Thus, the dedication of the "Troilus" to Gower is to be re-interpreted in a more serious light than commonly. [RFY. Copyright. John Gower Society eJGN 41.2.]</text>
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              <text>Whitman, Frank H.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97036">
              <text>Whitman, Frank H. "'Troilus and Criseyde' and Chaucer's Dedication to Gower." Tennessee Studies in Literature 18 (1973): 1-11. </text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97037">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)&#13;
Vox Clamantis</text>
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="97032">
                <text>"Troilus and Criseyde" and Chaucer's Dedication to Gower.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="97033">
                <text>1973</text>
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              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97603">
              <text>Fundamentally a character study of the narrator in the final stanzas of Chaucer's "Troilus and Criseyde," Markland's essay digresses briefly (pp. 155-57) to address the friendship between Gower and Chaucer and comment on several literary passages that pertain to it. [Because they push against general critical opinion, I quote the comments at length.] Concerning Chaucer's dedication of TC to Gower, Markland suggests that the reference to "O moral Gower," "exclaimed by the uncommonly moral narrator, has an ironic ring and might well have been the start of a jesting exchange rather than the sincere admiration of Gower's moral measure that it has usually been taken to be. It is the sort of phrase that would come from the tongue of a man with the conventional morality, the unthinking sententious morality of the narrator. To that jibe Gower might have retorted, when he had the opportunity five years later [in Venus's greeting to Chaucer in Confessio Amantis VIII, *2940-59] by charging Chaucer with lightness. Chaucer's rejoinder in the prologue to the Man of Law's Tale, if it is a rejoinder, is sharper criticism, perhaps sharp enough to offend even in bantering exchange" (156). Through Venus's comments in the first recension of CA, Markland tells us, "Gower seems to urge Chaucer to admit, as he himself has admitted, that the service of love is no longer suitable to him." A bit further on, Markland concludes his digression: "Such a reading might also help us with our identification of the 'philosophical Strode.' It will not tell us who he was; but, by suggesting what he was, it may well relieve us of the urgency to find an important and truly philosophical Strode. He may have been philosophical only in pretension or he may have been one who cultivated a humor. That is what the exclamation 'O moral Gower' on the lips of the narrator implies about Gower's morality" (156). [MA. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 42.2]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97604">
              <text>Markland, Murray F.</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97605">
              <text>Markland, Murray F. "'Troilus and Criseyde': The Inviolability of the Ending." Modern Language Quarterly 31.2 (1970): 147-59.</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97606">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="97601">
                <text>"Troilus and Criseyde": The Inviolability of the Ending.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="97602">
                <text>1970</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Ellis, Robert.</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96724">
              <text>Ph. D. Dissertation. Queen Mary, University of London, 2012. Open access at https://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/8821 (accessed January 29, 2023). 2 vols.; continuous pagination.</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96725">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Traitié pour Essampler les Amantz Marietz</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Ellis's dissertation explores the "anxieties concerning the notoriety of empty words" as they are evident in "urban writings" produced in London in the 1380s and 1390s, works not only about "idle talk--such as 'janglynge,' slander, and other sins of the tongue--but also about the deficiencies of official discourses which are partisan, fragmentary and susceptible to contradiction and revision" (3). His texts are varied--"Letter Book-H," various petitions, city records, Richard Maidstone's "Concordia," three tales by Chaucer ("Cook's Tale," "Squire's Tale," and Manciple's Tale), John Clanvowe's "Boke of Cupide," and the tales of Phebus and Cornide and of Orestes from Gower's CA. Generally, Ellis tells us, these texts reveal "specific responses to the prevalence of empty words in the city, while also reflecting more broadly on the remarkable cultural, linguistic, social, and political developments witnessed in this period." His treatment of Gower's two tales (pp. 162-97)--read alongside the "Manciple's Tale and accounts of the execution of London cordwainer, John Constantyn--focuses on how "words incite violence, and the ways in which words are used to give meaning to that violence" (157). Concerned with the tales as exempla and engaging the role of silence, particularly the silence (and silencing) of women, Ellis discloses how the seemingly straightforward messages of the tales are problematized in several ways: by proximate tales and/or attendant Latin glosses in the case of "Cornide," and, further, by the thematics of fame and notoriety and the difficulty of controlling discourse in "Orestes." In Ellis's reading, Gower's tales reveal interest in and anxiety about "authorial control over the fate of tidings" (191), and they reflect the poet's ongoing concern with "revision and reinvention" (197), which, he demonstrates, is refracted in the figure of Clytemnestra in "Orestes" and in Gower's later treatment of her in his "Traitié pour Essampler les Amantz Marietz." Volume II of Ellis's dissertation comprises texts (with photographic facsimiles) and translations of the bureaucratic materials he discusses in volume I. [MA]</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="96720">
                <text>"Verba Vana": Empty Words in Ricardian London.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>2012</text>
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              <text>Parsons takes up ll. 782-95, the list of names of the rebels-turned-beasts in Book I of the Vox Clamantis. His conclusion offers perhaps the best summary of his thoroughly learned article: "Reading the Visio's list of names against medieval naming conventions allows a number of significant points to emerge, in relation both to the text and to the norms on which it draws. In the first place, it shows that the sequence does not need to be treated as a suspension of Gower's allegory since his catalogue calls on the stock of names commonly given to medieval beasts. It also offers evidence against the tenacious view that medieval onomastics separated human from non-human creatures, as the text muddies rather than clarifies this putative divide. Taking a slightly wider view, Gower's use of these names also brings into view some of the mechanics of animal naming in the period, revealing a complex understanding of naming and its implications. In reaching for these terms while dissolving the rioters into an indistinguishable mob, Gower seems to be utilizing their 'general singular' qualities: they allow him to strip the rebels of personhood and specificity at a stroke, simply because they carry out such a process automatically. Alongside these details, however, Gower also gives us access to a further aspect of medieval animal naming, one worth raising as a final point. His inclusion of these sixteen names in this context demonstrates what sorts of anthroponym was deemed appropriate for non-human beings. The names he cites carry strong social overtones. After all, it is not for nothing that the names have invariably been read as 'plebeian': there is abundant proof of their association with the peasantry, even at a purely stereotypical level. As a result, Gower's selection of names indicates that not just any human name could be transferred to beasts. When medieval people applied human names to animals around them, they reached for names that were customarily associated with the lower social classes. This fact further suggests why the names should prove so attractive to Gower. They already express many of the same judgments formulated by his allegory, being founded on the same sense that peasants are subhuman 'ab ovo' that runs through his text. While the 'Visio' shows that the boundary between human and animal was more porous than is sometimes admitted, it also makes clear that this was a limited confusion, and that the points at which the two categories converged were themselves directed by political factors" (397-98). [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society eJGN 40.1]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92616">
              <text>Parsons, Ben. "'Watte vocat': Human and Animal Naming in Gower's 'Visio Anglie'." JEGP 119 (2020): 380-98. </text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="92617">
              <text>Vox Clamantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="92612">
                <text>"Watte vocat": Human and Animal Naming in Gower's "Visio Anglie'."</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="92613">
                <text>2020</text>
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  <item itemId="9990" public="1" featured="0">
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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      <elementContainer>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96009">
              <text>Uses Gower as one of several examples of writers with belief in a graded--not to be called reactionary--view of society. [RFY1981]</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96010">
              <text>Friedman, Albert B.</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96011">
              <text>Friedman, Albert B. "'When Adam Delved' . . . Contexts of an Historical Proverb." In Larry D. Benson, ed. The Learned and the Lewd: Studies in Chaucer and Medieval Literature. Harvard English Studies, no. 5 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1974), pp. 213-30. </text>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96012">
              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="96007">
                <text>"When Adam Delved" . . . Contexts of an Historical Proverb.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="96008">
                <text>1974</text>
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  <item itemId="10470" public="1" featured="0">
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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              <text>This concise essay argues that Gower's version of the Constance story (CA 2.587–1598) "contains a covert progression of the controversies concerning Constance's marital relationship with King Allee" (510). The first controversy identified is Constance's legitimacy to be Allee's queen. Wu suggests that in Gower's version of the tale--more so than in Chaucer's or Trevet's--Allee's support of Constance as an appropriate choice for the monarchy "portrays Britain as a tolerant and inclusive nation by creating a resolute, far-sighted, and fortunate king" (512). The second controversy focuses upon Constance's loyalty to Allee, or the narrative ambiguity surrounding her loyalty. Constance's journeys become replete with opportunity for infidelity, and, as Wu suggests, not all of these moments are explicitly refuted, such as the years Constance spends with Arcennus. Again, Wu proposes, the focus turns to Allee's morality as he recognizes his own role in propelling Constance towards those possible infidelities. And finally, the third controversy is characterized by Constance's "political impact" (514), the possible renegotiation of political alliances and alteration of national sovereignty. This controversy is assuaged by Allee's deft political maneuverings and the results in the production of an heir, Maurice, suggesting "an optimistic view of the political marriage as a lucrative political scheme planned by King Allee himself" (515). Ultimately, for Wu, "Gower's poetics in this tale features a romantic and empathetic image of the king, which is associated with the contemporary discourses around King Richard II" (515). [BWG. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 44.1]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Wu, Xiaoling.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="98853">
              <text>Wu, Xiaoling. "'Worldes Faierie': The Narrative Controversies over Constance in 'Confessio Amantis.'" ANQ: A Quarterly Journal of Short Articles, Notes and Reviews, 37.4 (2024): 510–18.</text>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="98854">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="98849">
                <text>"Worldes Faierie": The Narrative Controversies over Constance in "Confessio Amantis."</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="98850">
                <text>2024</text>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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          <name>Review</name>
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            <elementText elementTextId="96758">
              <text>From Sweeten's abstract: "This dissertation explores the . . . trend of Middle English texts rendering marriage in economic terms and metaphor to determine what such treatment indicates about the shifting social relations of marriage in late medieval England. . . , contending that the rising prevalence of market exchanges in every day life gives rise to the use of economic language and metaphor to better understand changing social relations. The Introduction establishes the historical basis of marriage in this period as well as the development of medieval economic thought in a burgeoning market economy. Chapter 1 focuses on two major Middle English texts, Geoffrey Chaucer's the 'Wife of Bath's Prologue' and William Langland's 'The Vision of Piers the Plowman,' to consider how female figures taking part in the medieval marital market appropriate economic thought to dictate the parameters of their own exchange, the process of each commenting on the contradictory nature of the medieval marriage. Chapter 2 considers the role of avarice in John Gower's 'Confessio Amantis' and the anonymous Middle English poem 'Wynnere and Wastoure' to plot how marriage is treated like local economies, where hoarding through avaricious desire harms all participants in the economy. Chapter 3 unpacks the function of widowhood in Chaucer's 'Troilus and Criseyde,' ultimately contending that Crisyede's plight demonstrates the socioeconomic vulnerabilities of unfixed marital statuses in late medieval England. Finally, Chapter 4 looks at the function of labor in marriage as both a demonstration of marital identity and methodology for agency within marriage, focusing on the Middle English Breton Lay 'Emare' [and its] use of textile labor. . . ."</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96759">
              <text>Sweeten, David Wayne</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96760">
              <text>Ph. D. Dissertation. The Ohio State University, 2016. Open access at https://etd.ohiolink.edu/apexprod/rws_etd/send_file/send?accession=osu1468414544&amp;disposition=inline (accessed February 3, 2023).</text>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96761">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="96756">
                <text>"Ymaried moore for hir goodes": The Economics of Marriage in Middle English Poetry.</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>2016</text>
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  </item>
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              <name>Title</name>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="92757">
              <text>Espie is concerned with Tudor reception of Chaucer, treating Gower and (more extensively) Lydgate as mediators of Chaucer for Spenser and his contemporaries, exploring several ways Chaucer was understood, presented, and emulated in Spenser's "The Shepeardes Calender." There are many kinds of "mediation" of Chaucer underlying Spenser's "Calender"--early Tudor editions of Chaucer among them, Espie shows. He pays most attention, however, to "networks of Medieval intertextuality" (244) as they play out in Spenser's work, offering as one example Gower's and Lydgate's possible influences on the June eclogue of the "Calender"--how this eclogue "integrates a commendation [of Tityrus/Chaucer] that Spenser may have derived from Gower's 'Confessio Amantis' and a plaintive voice that he models on what I'll call the Lydgatian mode" (246). Espie assesses Venus's praise of Chaucer in CA 8.2499 as one who "has made 'as he wel couthe' many 'ditees and songes' of love" (Espie's emphasis), exploring how the "commonplace phrase" wel couthe "plays an uncommon role" at the end of CA insofar as "Gower's passage is unique in using the phrase . . . to describe Chaucer's skill as an amorous poet--unique, that is until the 'Calender'" (252-53), where Colin's pursuit of love is central to both his role as poet and his commendation of Tityrus/Chaucer, and where suggestive resonances of "couthe" recur as the phrase is repeated elsewhere in Spenser's work. Combining the Gowerian echo with Lydgate's "plaintive voice" in the June eclogue, Espie argues, Spenser "remakes the Chaucer, Gower, Lydgate triumvirate into a Chaucer and Colin pair" (256), assimilating an old tradition into a new one. Espie also suggests that Gower's presentation of Chaucer as a love poet underlies the inclusion of Thomas Usk's "Testament of Love" in William Thynne's and John Stow's editions of Chaucer, and that John Leland "implicitly align[s] himself with Gower" in his praise of Chaucer. Such "well-read Chaucerians in Tudor England not only consulted Venus's words from the 'Confessio' but also used them to shape their representations of Chaucer" (253). In much of his essay, Espie examines how Lydgate's idea of Chaucer's "Janus-faced poetics" might have influenced E.K.'s prefatory epistle and Spenser's own "paradoxical poetics" (261) in "the process of poetic succession" (262), and how Chaucer's Pandarus-like interpretive mode made its mark on E.K. as an interpreter. [MA. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 40.2.]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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          <description>Author/Editor</description>
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              <text>Espie, Jeff.</text>
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          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92759">
              <text>Spenser Studies 31-32 (2017): 243-71.</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92760">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="92755">
                <text>(Un)couth: Chaucer, "The Shepheardes Calender," and the Forms of Mediation.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="92756">
                <text>2017</text>
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              <text>So aims to outline the self-consciously "authorial ego" with samples selected from prologues of medieval vernacular literary texts written in England, namely Layamon's "Brut," Wace's "Roman de Brut," Lydgate's "Troy Book," Mannyng's "Chronicle," the anonymous "Cursor Mundi," and Gower's "Confessio Amantis." In the first 25 lines of the prologue in CA, So has observed four examples indicative of Gower's authorial intention. So argues that Gower is primarily motivated by a consciousness of his own benefits rather than an interest in English nationhood, as has been argued in recent heated discussions. He sees the resort to classical symbol in the CA as Gower's means of safeguarding his own self-interest. He finds that Gower is aware of 1) his own writing as means of interaction, which responds to the moral themed writing tradition; 2) the competition among contemporary English writers; 3) the political circumstances; and 4) historic positioning. In each of these, So has caught a glimpse of a self, or the ego: an ego that aims to transcend the shade of influence cast by previous writers, an ego that intends to win over the reader amid the competition with his contemporaries, an ego who is sensitive to his political safety, and an ego who is caring about his own involvement in developing history. Noticing the possible correlation of Gower's historical sense of writing and Gower's individual benefits, So borrows from Pierre Bourdieu's theory to justify Gower's self-interested writing. On the one hand, So points out that historically Gower must have enjoyed some class advantage--"cultural capital," in Bourdieu's theory. On the other, Gower's advantageous language skill in classics continuously enhances the influential power of classics in the mind of his reader, which earns him further symbolic capital, as defined by Bourdieu. He infers that Gower's writing would result in a consolidation and an enhancement of his existing social advantages, and thus his own interest would be further defended. [XW. Copyright. The John Gower Society eJGN 40.1]</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>So, Francis K. H. "Authorial Ego in Early English Vernacular Literature." Review of English and American literature 10 (2017): 1-50. [蘇其康.古早地方話英文文學的自我意識.英美文學評論. 10期 (2017): 1-50.] [N. B.: this article is in Chinese.]</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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                <text>[ Authorial Ego in Early English Vernacular Literature. ]</text>
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                <text>2017</text>
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              <text>At suggestion of E. Flügel (no source given) attributes "Moral Balade" to Gower and corrects text printed in volume 101 (1898): 50-51. </text>
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              <text>Förster, Max. [Note]. Archiv für das Studium der Neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 102 (1899): 213-14. </text>
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              <text>Griffith, D. D. A Bibliography of Chaucer, 1908-1953. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1955, pp. 81, 83, 85, 101, 117, 119, 132, 198, 326, 332, 334, 358</text>
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              <text>For Gower, the Subject Index lists item nos. 188, 262-63, 322, 505 (duplicate of no. 262), 524, 1565, 1730, 1743, and 1747; on Gower-Chaucer connections and mutual influences, with some brief annotations and book reviews.</text>
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Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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                <text>A Bibliography of Chaucer, 1964-1973.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="93641">
              <text>For Gower, the Subject Index lists thirty-five items, cited by number; on Gower-Chaucer connections and mutual influences, with some brief annotations and book reviews.</text>
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              <text>Baird-Lange, Lorrayne Y.&#13;
Schnüttgen. Hildegard.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="93643">
              <text>Baird-Lange, Lorrayne Y., and Hildegard Schnüttgen. A Bibliography of Chaucer, 1974-1985. Hamden, Conn.: Archon, 1988. </text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="93644">
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Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="93639">
                <text>A Bibliography of Chaucer, 1974-1985.</text>
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                <text>1988</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93617">
              <text>An annotated listing of Gower studies in print through 1975. Does not include manuscript listings or dissertations, except where these are of significant importance. [RFY1981].</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93619">
              <text>Yeager, R. F. A Bibliography of John Gower Materials Through 1975. Mediaevalia 3 (1977): 261-306. </text>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93620">
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="93615">
                <text>A Bibliography of John Gower Materials Through 1975.</text>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93605">
              <text>Selective and briefly annotated; covers some dissertations and reviews. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Pickford, T. E. A Bibliography of John Gower, 1925-72. Parergon 3 (1972): 27-36. </text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
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                <text>A Bibliography of John Gower, 1925-72.</text>
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              <text>Burke's essay offers a comparative analysis of Gower's "Cinkante balades" and Spenser's "Amoretti" in order to show the extent to which they share similar narrative arcs which "engage the reader with a dramatic fiction of a man and a woman progressing over time, through verbal interplay, to a joyful commitment by both partners, a 'lien/bond' of love that is equally shared between them" (461). This essay is an ambitious undertaking, given its consideration of the entire "Amoretti" and the marriage poems in the CB (Balades 1-5 and 44-51). Burke argues that the poets' similar approaches to their lyric sequences stem from similar marital experiences and foreground the role of communication between partners in a relationship rather than the more traditional introspective voice and focus of other lyrics on the same topic, an issue that also speaks to their interest in their respective political contexts and communities. Burke begins by addressing the inspiration for and possible source of the narrative unity of Gower's sequence in Christine de Pizan's "Cent balades" and in the Song of Songs. Burke then turns to careful close readings of courtship and betrothal in Gower's and Spenser's respective lyric sequences. The essay closes by arguing such a comparison suggests "the late medieval ideal of marriage was carried over with little change to become the English Protestant ideal of a chaste and Christlike married love that did not exclude the joys of intimacy" (588) and that these poets both "explicitly embrace their sovereign and their nation within the bond of mutual love that is celebrated in the sequence" (489). [BWG. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 42.1]</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="97132">
              <text>Burke, Linda. "A Bond of True Love: Performing Courtship and Betrothal in Gower's 'Cinkante Balades' and Spenser's 'Amoretti,' in Light of Christine de Pizan's 'Cent Balades'." In Albrecht Classen, ed., Communication, Translation, and Community in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period: New Cultural-Historical and Literary Perspectives (Berlin, de Gruyter, 2022). Pp. 461–90. </text>
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              <text>Cinkante Balades&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations&#13;
Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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              <text>The twelfth selection in this new anthology, which illustrates the development of literary Middle English from the twelfth to the early fifteenth centuries, is an excerpt from CA (1.2399-2661), containing the warning against Boasting and the tale of "Albinus and Rosemund" (including the preceding Latin epigram, with translation, but not the two Latin side-notes), in a new transcription from Bodley Fairfax 3. The introduction to the selection provides a brief summary of Gower's life and works, his relation to Chaucer, and the structure of CA, highlighting Genius' dual roles and the sympathy with which Gower treats the figure of Amans; it also includes some brief notes on Gower's language, a very selective bibliography, and a reproduction of the page in Fairfax on which the excerpted text begins. The transcription of the text differs from Macaulay's in the regular use of thorn and yogh, and in several dozen minor differences in capitalization (Macaulay follows the MS more closely) and in punctuation (the omission of a single comma results in a slight difference in the sense at 1.2655). The notes to the text offer judicious help with the passages in which Gower's syntax differs from ours, and beginning students may not be the only ones to find them useful; the note to 1.2545 contains Burrow's explanation of the "Gripes ey." In addition to a broad range of selections from Middle English literature, both poetry and prose, the volume contains an unusually detailed linguistic introduction and a general glossary. One section of the introduction (pp. 56-57) contains a brief but very useful treatment of Gower's meter. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 11.2]</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>Thumbnail outline of Gower's life, works, and assessment: "pedantic." [RFY1981] </text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="96230">
                <text>1892</text>
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              <text>With characteristic depth of detail and good humor, Yeager offers a chronological description of the formulation and development of the John Gower Society (JGS), tracing its origins to a conversation in 1980 and identifying--almost year by year--how and when its phases and projects were planned and realized, leading up to the Society's fifth International Congress, scheduled for 2022 (although delayed by COVID until 2023, after this essay was written). Seemingly based on the minutes of the JGS meetings and the programs of its conferences--as well as Yeager's own capacious memory--the essay makes clear the Society's history, mentioning individual scholars (a list too long to include here) and affiliated organizations (again, too many to list) through whom and by which the Society has blossomed. Dues rates, membership numbers, lists of publications, accounts of individual meetings, launchings of newsletters, bibliographies, and websites may sound dry, but here they are definitely not. Leavened and spiced with Pete Beidler's comic poem about how to pronounce "Gower," prospective plans (later dropped) for a JGS T-shirt, the "insurmountable bureaucratic twaddling of the MLA" (61), exciting future prospects, and much more, this history of the JGS comes to life, lacking only, perhaps, a clear account of Yeager's own foundational, central, and ongoing contributions. [MA. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 43.1]</text>
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              <text>Yeager, R. F. "A Brief History of the John Gower Society." New Chaucer Studies: Pedagogy and Profession 4, no. 1 (2023): 57-67. Open access at https://escholarship.org/uc/ncs_pedagogyandprofession/. ISSN: 2766-1768.</text>
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                <text>2023</text>
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              <text>When I was asked to review Bruce Holsinger's new novel, "A Burnable Book," for the "John Gower Newsletter," I sat for a few minutes trying to recall the last time John Gower was a featured literary character--outside of the self-fictionalizing within his poetry. In the end I could think of only one fictional Gower of note: the John Gower of Shakespeare's "Pericles," that phantom narrator of the grave who so forcefully directs what Ben Jonson once called a "mouldy tale." It was that Gower, perhaps combined with Chaucer's reference to "moral Gower"--and, in all honesty, the oft-repetitive pontificating that can be traced across Gower's career--that has no doubt painted the humorless and relentlessly severe image of "dour Gower" that is the popular understanding of the man. Thankfully, Gower scholars have fleshed out a more nuanced man behind the famed CA. Even so, Holsinger, a medievalist at the University of Virginia whose academic credentials are beyond repute, imagines Gower as a figure who is even more complicated--"compromised" is the term used by the author (p. 442)--than anything scholarship has yet suggested. The Gower of "A Burnable Book" could hardly be further from the single-minded moralist of old, even if his friend Geoffrey Chaucer bitingly chides him there for being so in his writings. Holsinger's Gower is a tortured father, a manipulating blackmailer, an information-hoarding spy, and at times even a sleuthing detective, who at the behest of Chaucer becomes embroiled in a web of conspiracies. A young woman has been murdered in the fields outside 1385 London. By her moving death (which forms a powerful opening prologue), a mysterious book is lost somewhere in the streets of the city, and in the race to find it the corpses and the conspiracies begin to mount. If Gower fails to find the book and unravel its many intrigues, we learn, the next to die may well be King Richard II himself. Holsinger puts together an impressively large cast of characters for this twisting tale, most of them known to history and familiar to scholars of the period. Arguably chief among them is Chaucer himself, who is (perhaps inevitably?) the more interesting of the poets in the novel: in addition to Gower, we encounter sometime-poet John Clanvowe in Oxford. We spend time, too, in Florence: with the dark figure of John Hawkwood and the ruthless men of the White Company, who lurk in Italy like wolves just beyond the light of the lamp. Most of the book is set in London, however, with a swarm of figures that the non-specialist will likely be troubled to keep straight. Even aside from the king, there are numerous figures of the aristocracy who take part in the tale, including John of Gaunt and Katherine Swynford, Robert de Vere, and Michael de la Pole. There are bishops and priests, a curate and a prioress, and more officials of London than you can shake a yerde at--the vast majority of them indebted to Gower as he blackmails them for one sin or another. And then (speaking of sin) there are the prostitutes. Lots and lots of prostitutes. And a great deal of talk (and action) about what went on in places like Gropecunt Lane. There is also (why not?) a "swerver," the transgendered Eleanor/Edgar Rykener, based on the very real John Rykener--to say nothing of the many tradesmen and freemen who take part in the tale. Holsinger's plot amid this colorful cast is a complex weaving and not without its enjoyments--it's hard for a Gowerian not to smile at a sequence of final scenes in which "moral" Gower comes as close to an action hero as he probably ever will--but the unquestionable star of this novel is London itself. In vivid strokes "A Burnable Book" paints the living, breathing, oft-stinking soul of a late-medieval city. Like a narrative version of works like Ian Mortimer's "The Time Traveler's Guide to Medieval England," Holsinger's novel carries us from the fine confections of the royal court to the bloody dissections of a butcher shop--and a great many teeming, filth-strewn streets between. There are, moreover, "Easter eggs" for the educated reader: the walk-on appearance of a clerk named Pinkhurst, e.g., or the reimagining of Gower's boatride across the Thames with the king, during which the idea for the CA was supposedly born. Though these many esoteric intricacies at times threaten to derail the thrust of the actual narrative, the reader "in the know" will surely find in them a satisfying kind of delight. The one constant through it all is John Gower--his distance from our own biased expectations serving as its own measure of how little we really know about the man. Holsinger's morally compromised Gower is unexpected and surprising, and as such the scholars of the John Gower Society will no doubt find "A Burnable Book" a quite fascinating book indeed. And no need to put it to the fire. [Michael Livingston. Copyright. John Gower Society. JGN 33.1].</text>
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              <text>Holsinger, Bruce. "A Burnable Book." London: William Morrow, 2014 ISBN 9780062240323</text>
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              <text>Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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              <text>Prints 83 documents relating to Gower's life, in categorical as well as chronological order. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Fisher, John H. "A Calendar of Documents Relating to the Life of John Gower, the Poet." Journal of English and Germanic Philology 58 (1959): 1-23. </text>
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              <text>Biography of Gower</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="92178">
              <text>Gastle's essay offers a close view of the unusual features of one copy of William Caxton's 1483 "Confessio Amantis"--the copy held at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, Incunabula 532.5. Gastle summarizes the ownership history of the volume, describes its "distinctive features" (203), particularly its binding and readers' marks, and explores it as "a unique window into fifteenth-century politics and culture" (204). The volume is one of "handful" of extant examples of "original Caxton bindings" (203; in 1961, William Wells identified eight; see 203n9), and the materials used to reinforce this binding include four pieces of a papal indulgence which together "constitute almost the entirety" (204) of the indulgence printed by Caxton in 1481. Commissioned by papal nuncio Giovanni dei Gigli, this indulgence survives in only four known copies (all found in bindings), although Caxton printed another indulgence commissioned by Gigli in 1489. Other information about Gigli, especially the fact that the nuncio wrote a Latin epithalamium "in celebration of the engagement of Henry VII to Elizabeth of York" (206), enables Gastle to align, tentatively, the "business relationship between Caxton and Giovanni" with their shared "desire to promote literary history in England" (207). Other binding fragments include "one damaged and worn leaf" (207) on which are found two "mysterious cut-out images" (217) that "seem to have originated in Caxton's shop." The posture and gesture of one figure suggests that it is "lecturing or stating something declaratively," Gastle says, and he posits that "[i]f the figure was meant to represent a character" in the CA, Genius "would be the likely candidate" (209), even though how and why the leaf ended up in the volume's binding is unclear. Gastle treats several signatures--John Crofton, John Kynaston, Thomas Genway (?), and John Leche--found in the volume with cautious speculation, and he discusses judiciously its seven-line quotation of the opening lines of the "The Nutbrown Maid," clarifying the popularity of the early Tudor poem, and editing the lines against the reconstructed version of the poem published by William A Ringler, Jr. The lines are found in the UNC volume in the context of the CA version of the "Tale of Constance," leading Gastle to comment on possible relations between the poem and the Tale, both concerned with female adversity. Finally, Gastle quotes the two lines in Spanish found in the volume, connecting their reference to the port town of Bermeo in the Bay of Biscay with Spanish/English trade before the onset of the Anglo-Spanish War (1585) and with the translations of CA into Portuguese and Spanish. Detailed, and informed, Gastle's essay closes with the hope that "future scholarship may explore the possibilities" (217) raised here. They are rich possibilities, clearly illustrated in a series of five figures. [MA. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 39.2]</text>
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              <text>Gastle, Brian W. "A Caxton Confessio: Readers and Users from Westminster to Chapel Hill." In Martha Driver, Derek Pearsall, and R. F. Yeager, eds. John Gower in Manuscripts and Early Printed Books. Publications of the John Gower Society, no. 14. Rochester, NY: Brewer, 2020. Pp. 201-17.</text>
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              <text>Based on the OED, Bradley-Strattman, Godefroy, and the glossaries of Macaulay's edition (1899-1902) and Skeat's Oxford Chaucer. Concordance thoroughly done. Not published. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Cites Gower's use of the word "faerie" to mean "enchantment" as an example of that meaning. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>This is a magnificent volume. The seventeen contributors, most of whom are already very well known to Gowerians, provide an extremely useful guide to the current state of our knowledge of Gower and his work. Anyone with any serious interest in Gower will want to own this book. In her introduction, on "Gower's Reputation" (1-22), Echard identifies five recurring themes in the critical response to the poet: his identity as "moral Gower," his political views, his choice of language, his relation to his sources, and both his personal and his literary relation to Chaucer. She traces these in large part to the poet's own deliberate self-fashioning, to "the qualities that he made central to his own poetic ethos" (17), and she points out how Gower's reputation has shifted over the centuries as each of these has provided either a stick with which to beat the poet (primarily during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries) or as an opening to a greater understanding of his work (more recently), as, for instance, critics have taken a broader interest in the implications of "moral," in the complex issues of a poet's self-presentation, and in the political and ideological implications of the choice between Latin and the vernacular. That broadening of understanding is admirably illustrated by the writers that follow, and Echard's essay serves both to situate their contributions and to tie together the diverse approaches of this volume. Whether by accident or design, all but the last of the chapters that follow fall into pairs. The first two are concerned with Gower's biography. John Hines, Nathalie Cohen, and Simon Roffey ("Iohannes Gower, Armiger, Poeta: Records and Memorials of his Life and Death," 23-41) survey what can be inferred from the scant life records (mostly on property dealings) and the references in Gower's own poetry, and then give their greatest attention to the geography of Southwark during Gower's time (they provide some helpful maps), to the layout of the priory church of St. Mary Overie, and to the construction of Gower's tomb, as it appears today and as it was described by 16th century observers. The tomb, they note, "represents a range of facets of a contemporary perception of Gower; several, perhaps all of them, his own model of how he saw himself, or wished to be portrayed" (40). Robert Epstein ("London, Southwark, Westminster: Gower's Urban Contexts," 43-60) discusses the social geography of the three adjacent communities with which Gower had connections. He explores the difficulties of reconstructing Gower's audience, particularly of associating him directly with those who are though to have made up the "Chaucer circle." He also notes some paradoxes in the relation between Gower's writing and his life: that the man who spent nearly his entire life in Southwark should have so little to say about the city, its government, or the majority of its citizens; and that a poet with so little personal or professional ties to the monarchy should be been so preoccupied with the nature and responsibilities of kingship. "Gower's uniquely urban condition," he concludes, "as a non-bureaucratic, non-aristocratic, privately employed professional, allowed him to develop a sense of the poet that was elevated in its autonomy, in its self-regard and in its ambition – but that required a strong and attentive monarch to legitimize his voice and to realize his social visions" (60). Jeremy J. Smith ("John Gower and London English," 61-72) provides a brief but comprehensible account of what we know of Gower's language – a mixture of Kentish and Suffolk forms (consistent with Gower's family background) that would have been "fairly easily accommodated" (69) within the great variety of London speech at the time but that might have struck some as a bit old-fashioned – and equally helpfully, of how we know it. Smith also points to the remarkably conservative character of scribes' spelling habits in the later MSS of CA as an example of the perpetuation of one of several competing "standard" forms of the language, this one serving the very specific purpose of disseminating Gower's text. Derek Pearsall ("The Manuscripts and Illustrations of Gower's Works," 73-97) provides an even more remarkable gathering in one place of what can be said about the appearance, format, arrangement, contents, illustration and decoration, production, ownership, and readership of the MS copies of Gower's works. Pearsall writes not only from long and intimate acquaintance with the books that he describes but also with characteristic sympathy for the scribes (also evident in his essay on the Latin apparatus in the MSS, in the Takamiya festschrift, below). The handlist of Gower MSS on pp. 74-79 will now be our basic point of reference until the appearance of the much awaited Descriptive Catalogue, forthcoming under Pearsall's editorship. The next two chapters treat Gower's reception. Helen Cooper ("'This worthy olde writer': Pericles and other Gowers, 1592-1640," 99-113) discusses the appearance of Gower the poet in Robert Greene's Greenes Vision of 1594 and in Shakespeare's Pericles (1611), and the borrowings from CA in Shakespeare's earlier Comedy of Errors and in a 1640 pamphlet entitled A Certain Relation of the Hog-faced Gentlewoman, called Tannekin Skinker (in which the example of Florent is narrated in order to suggest the possibility of an equally happy metamorphosis for the unfortunate young woman of the title). In Greene's work, Chaucer and Gower are each called upon to tell stories in which the issue of the moral value of literature becomes entangled with the issue of the moral dangers posed by the beauty of the women in their tales. The author awards the prize – for the uprightness of both tale and character – to Gower. Cooper has much of interest to say about how each of these works perpetuated Gower's reputation both as moralist and as storyteller. Siân Echard's chapter on "Gower in Print" (115-35) looks at Gower's reception through his publication history, from Caxton, through Berthelette, Todd, Morley, Pauli, and Macaulay, down to Peck, with a glance at the Roxburghe Club editions and at the editions of selected tales intended for use in the classroom. (Missing, however, both here and in the bibliography on p. 272, is any reference to Macaulay's 1903 edition of selections for "young students," who Macaulay evidently felt wouldn't be too put out either by the Latin glosses and epigrams or by thorn and yogh.) Echard skillfully traces the impact on Gower's reputation not only of the critical commentary included in each edition but also of such matters as typography, layout, and apparatus. She notes that on the whole, Gower has been hurt more than helped by those who have brought his works to print, and while not suggesting that there can be any perfect edition, she has high praise for Peck's. Two chapters focus on Gower's non-English works. R.F. Yeager ("John Gower's French," 132-51), surveys Gower's surviving works in his other vernacular. After giving careful attention to their survival in MS, he has much to say about the quality of both Gower's verse and prose, about the uniqueness of conception of his works, particularly MO and CB, and about the significance of the fact that these works are in French. MO, he notes, has a breadth and ambition unprecedented in any of the works that have been identified as its possible sources, but it is unified, first of all by its "envelope of amorous address " (143), the invocation of "chascun amant" at the beginning and the lyrical prayer to the virgin at the end, and second, by its examination, through is description of the vices and virtues, of good and bad desire. CB has a narrative structure centered on the poet-narrator's decision to absent himself for the sake of his lady's reputation, which leads to a more complete union based on trust and actual devotion rather than mere desire. </text>
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              <text>The resulting tendency towards the typical and the general is appropriate to a poem of exemplary wisdom. CA is not noted for its "richly poetic strokes" (248), Burrow concludes, which is one reason why it may fail to appeal. "In its limitations as well as its strengths, Gower's is essentially a long-poem style" (249), and while long poems themselves have gone out of style, the result can nonetheless be considered true poetry. T</text>
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              <text>In both these works, Gower "use[s] the culture of French courtly writing against itself" (144): he transcends the "essential immorality" (147) of courtly literature and reclaims it for legitimate love. A.G. Rigg and Edward S. Moore ("The Latin Works: Politics, Lament and Praise," 165-80) more briefly situate Gower's Latin writing within the trilingual culture of late 14th-century England and within the traditions of Anglo-Latin writing. They point out that Gower's choice of unrhymed elegiac couplets for VC represented a return to a somewhat old-fashioned practice. VC's focus on politics and history is typical of Anglo-Latin writing of the time, and the "public" quality of the work distinguishes it from the more personal CA and MO. Most of VC attempts rather typically to summon historical evidence in support of the author's moral and political views; the Visio and TC, however, offer a more exceptional re-creation of historical events. The Visio, the authors note, also has important debts to vernacular literature. Ardis Butterfield and Winthrop Wetherbee, in the next two chapters, take up CA's relation to its antecedents. Butterfield ("Confessio Amantis and the French Tradition," 165-80) discusses Gower's relation to Guillaume de Lorris, Jean de Meun, and their successors Machaut and Froissart. All these poets, she writes, "are preoccupied by a desire to investigate the relationship between writing and the self, the kind of access a writer has to truth, and how the art of fiction both enables and inhibits this access. In all these writers, the figure of the lover acts as one of the main ways for them to represent the art of writing: the lover generates the poetry, and indeed is often represented as a poet" (165). So too Gower creates a "precarious distinction" (180) between poet and lover before collapsing the two roles at the poem's end, and he also includes Genius as a way of doubling his presence: "Genius is the interlocutor of the author and at the same time an internalized projection of him" (177). The confession frame is also enlisted in the exploration of the topic of identity. "Working within the central tradition of French writers," Butterfield concludes, love "becomes for him, as for them, a way of examining the art of fiction, and hence the multiple art of confessing the self" (180). According to Wetherbee ("Chaucer and Boethian Tradition in the Confessio Amantis," 181-96), the essential ambiguity of naturatus amor in the opening Latin epigram of Book 1 of CA reflects "fundamental questions about the authoritative role of the Latin tradition in forming [Gower's] literary culture" as well as "larger questions about the relation of human life and history to the natural order" (181-82). The uncertainties about man's relation to nature – whether as a "paradigm of order" or as "a kind of cosmic determinism" (184) – can be traced to DCP. Boethius' successors – Bernardus Silvestris, Alain de Lille, and Jean de Meun – depict the contradictions that result in different ways. For Jean de Meun they are manifested in an unresolved dialectic between the Latin Boethian tradition and the love-cult of vernacular poetry. The same confrontation is made visible in the framing of Gower's English poem with its Latin apparatus, which fails to either contain or control the English text. It is also embodied in Genius, who partakes both of the Latin and the vernacular. "He is less a spokesman than a mediator – a mediator, moreover, whose own perception of the standards of 'kinde' and 'resoun' which he holds up to Amans preserves unresolved the ambiguous perspective of the Boethian tradition. . . . Genius participates in both worlds, but he can provide no authoritative bases for reconciling the conflicting claims of Nature and courtly idealism" (190). "Skeptical of its own authority," Wetherbee concludes, "the Latin tradition is thus normative for Gower, a stable framework for his questioning of the values of his own world" (196) rather than authoritatively re-affirming them. Diane Watt and Russell Peck examine CA in rather more traditional terms. Watt ("Gender and Sexuality in Confessio Amantis," 197-213) discusses Gower's treatment of his female characters. She focuses on three tales, "Canace and Machaire," in which, Watt argues, contrary to most published commentary, the children are held responsible for their incestuous relationship and, at least at the beginning, the blame is equally shared between them; "Iphis and Iante," in which the two girls suffer no blame for their desire for one another or for Iphis' cross-dressing before Iphis is transformed into a man; and "Calistona," in which Gower's alterations subtly transform the rape into a seduction for which the woman herself can be held at least in part responsible. Watt reaches two important conclusions: one, "going against the tide of recent gender criticism," as she herself proclaims, that Gower's main concern is ethical, and that "when a writer like Gower writes about women or men, about homosexual or heterosexual desires, or about transvestism or transsexuality, he (or she) is not necessarily discussing something else" (211). And second (echoing an argument also recently made by Ellen Shaw Bakalian; see JGN 23, no. 2), that "the central ethical message of the Confessio Amantis as a whole is that the responsibility for sin or error falls firmly on the individual who commits it, male or female" (213). Peck ("The Politics and Psychology of Governance in Gower: Ideas of Kingship and Real Kings," 215-38) summarizes the argument on the relation between personal and political governance in all of Gower's work, particularly in CA, that he first put forth in his Kingship and Common Profit in 1978. "Gower conceives of the hypostasis between the personal and social through images of kingship, domain, and right rule. Each--the social and the personal--is contingent upon the other and operates through metaphoric interdependence. The king of England is akin to the king of the soul; the state of England is linked to one's sense of personal domain; and right rule is mirrored simultaneously through both sides of the equation" (216). In the longer, second part of his essay, Peck traces Gower's commentary on the effects of royal misrule through VC, MO, TC, and "IPP," and he offers a new attempt to read the dedication of CA to "Henry of Lancaster" as a rejection of King Richard II motivated by Richard's dispute with the city of London in 1392 (cf. Fisher, 116-22). (The reasons for the second dedication are an issue on which Gower scholars are not yet of a single mind. For an assortment of views, see in the same volume pp. 26, 57, 61, 94 n. 45, and 159.) John Burrow, finally ("Gower's Poetic Styles," 239-50) considers the implications of Gower's "correctness," his "purity of diction" and his "plain style," the three terms that occur most commonly in the descriptions and assessments of Gower's style. The first is at least to some extent anachronistic, since there were no fixed standards of correctness in such matters as spelling, one of the features of language in which Gower's MSS are most consistent, in Gower's time. It does apply, however, Burrow observes, to the poet's handling of both meter and rhyme – both for their regularity and for the way in which they conform to spoken language – and to grammar and syntax, where Gower displays an impressive command of periodic syntax, perhaps because of his experience of writing in Latin. Gower's diction is notable for its virtual exclusion of "commonplace English poeticisms" (244) from contemporary popular poetry or from the alliterative tradition, both found in far greater numbers in Chaucer. The "plain style," finally, is best understood with reference to Gower's own comments on "plainness": it is a style unadorned by rhetorical display consisting of "simple words used in straightforward literal senses" (246).  The resulting tendency towards the typical and the general is appropriate to a poem of exemplary wisdom.  CA is not noted for its "richly poetic strokes" (248), Burrow con-cludes, which is one reason why it may fail to appeal. "In its limitations as well as its strengths, Gower's is essentially a long-poem style" (249), and while long poems them-selves have gone out of style, the result can nonetheless be considered true poetry. The volume concludes with a "Chronology of Gower Criticism" prepared by Echard and Julie Lanz , which in its arrangement is an extremely useful supplement to the exist-ing bibliographies, as well as being more up-to-date. [PN. Copyright. The John Gower Society. JGN 24.1.]</text>
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                <text>A Companion to Gower</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="83268">
              <text>This is part two of a longer essay comparing Chaucer's and Gower's versions of the same tales; the citation was taken fron the International Medieval Bibllography, which does not give the location of part 1, however, or any indication whether there is a part 3. The portion cited here discusses the tales of Virginia, Phebus, Nebuchadnezzar, Thisbe, and Medea in Canterbury Tales and Legend of Good Women and in Confessio Amantis, with some reference to Chaucer's and Gower's sources. The emphasis in on Chaucer's version; the comparison is limited to isolated observations on language and imagery leading to no general conclusion; and the essay as a whole is a lesson for all of us on the risks one takes when writing in a language that is not one's own. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 12.2]</text>
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              <text>Tanaka, Minoru</text>
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              <text>Tanaka, Minoru. "A Comparison of Chaucer's and Gower's English Expressions (2)." Bulletin of the Daito Bunka University 27 (1989), pp. 143-160.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="83271">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>"The purpose of this study is to compare the narrative and framing techniques used by Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower. These authors were selected for several reasons. Being contemporaries, they lived through the days of the reign of Richard II, his deposition, and the accession of Henry IV. This was a time change: the age of chivalry and true knighthood was ending; the middle class was establishing commerce, towns, guilds; openly and violently the peasants were beginning to reject their servile positions; the corruption within the organized church was being publicly exposed, and efforts, believed heretical by some, were being made to effect its purification. The discussion … will be limited to the major work of each author. For Gower this is the Confessio Amantis, his only English work of any length; for Chaucer it is the Canterbury Tales, which, incomplete as it is, is generally accepted as the crown jewel of medieval English literature. The discussion will be limited further to the framing and linking devices and to the four tales which appear in both books: 'Constance' (Man of Law's tale), 'Florent' (Wife of Bath's tale), 'Phebus and Cornide' (Manciple's tale), and 'Virginia' (Physician's tales)." [eJGN 43.1]</text>
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              <text>Byerly, Margaret Joan.</text>
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              <text>Byerly, Margaret Joan. "A Comparison of Two Medieval Story-Tellers: Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower." M.A. Thesis, University of the Pacific, 1967. Available at https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/1630.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="98026">
              <text>Confessio Amantis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="98021">
                <text>A Comparison of Two Medieval Story-Tellers: Geoffrey Chaucer and John Gower.</text>
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                  <text>Gower Collection</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="90526">
              <text>The publication of this much needed concordance to the Confessio Amantis is perhaps the most important single event in Gower scholarship since the appearance of Macaulay's edition in 1900-1901, and certainly no better beginning could have been chosen for the John Gower Society Publications. The largest part of this book is a 764-page concordance to what Pickles and Dawson call the "main text" of the poem, Macaulay's edited "recension three" (the English portion alone). The editors have also provided a separate alphabetical listing of the vocabulary of this text; a reverse spelling list of the same vocabulary; a listing by frequency of all words that appear more than 12 times, with statistical analysis; a separate concordance, vocabulary list, and reverse spelling list for the "variant text" (the passages from the "first" and "second" recensions in the Prologue and Books 5, 7, and 8 that are printed at the foot of the page in Macaulay's edition); and in four appendices, a complete concordance to four of the 45 most frequent words omitted from the main concordance ("al," "alle," "love" [which appears in the main text a total of 855 times], and "man"), sample citations of the remaining most frequent words, a rhyme index (combining the "main" and "variant" texts), and a combined index of capitalized words. All is contained in a handsome volume of 1124 closely printed but easily legible pages, only slightly larger than a single volume of Gower's works. The editors report (p. ix) that they relied heavily on a computer for their work, and the volume that they have produced reveals both the advantages and disadvantages of the computer-aided analysis of a literary text. The broad array of material presented here would have been difficult and time-consuming to compile by hand, to be sure. The limitation of the computer, however, is that it works strictly on the basis of spelling. Thus with the single exception of "the," article, and "the," pronoun, the editors have made no attempt to distinguish homonyms or even different parts of speech. Under an entry such as "hold," for instance, one finds both "Demetrius was put in hold" and "Forthi, mi Sone, hold up thin hed." At the same time, both variant spellings and different inflectional forms of the same word receive separate entries: thus "thyng" is listed separately from "thing," and there are also entries for "thinge" and "thinges." Some adjustment will be necessary for those already familiar with either Tatlock and Kennedy's Chaucer Concordance or Kottler and Markman's Concordance to Five Middle English Poems, in which homonyms are distinguished and the problem of variants is eliminated by listing all words under a modern spelling. The editors' scrupulosity over what may well be merely scribal variation does not extend to other details of the text, for they accept Macaulay's practice of modernizing i/j and u/v and replacing thorn and yogh where they occur. Their arrangement also calls into question the value of their elaborate word-frequency analysis. It is difficult to know what significance to attach to the 855 appearances of "love" since the figure includes both the noun and the verb. To find the frequency of the verb alone one must do one's own sorting of the list of examples, and then add in the separate entries for "loved," "lovede," "loveden," "loven," and "loveth." The total, however, would presumably be meaningful only if one has done the same sort of recalculation for every other verb. One cannot expect the editors to have anticipated every need of their future users, but somewhat more intervention in the work of the machine might have been called for. And if the concordance itself had necessarily to be based strictly on the spelling of the text, the separate alphabetical list of the vocabulary of this text, entirely redundant to the concordance, might have been replaced with a glossary list distinguishing the different parts of speech, giving total frequency for each glossary entry, and cross-listing the forms under which each item is concorded. Some objection might also be raised to the editors' treatment of the "main" and "variant" texts. It is not clear why the two concordances could not have been combined, especially since no distinction is made in the rhyme index and the list of capitalized words at the end, and the present arrangement makes it necessary to check in two places for each item. The editors have gone much further than Macaulay, moreover, in enshrining the Fairfax MS as the study text of the poem. They are correct in stating in their introduction (p. vii) that Macaulay's choice of this MS as the basis for his edition is unlikely to be bettered, but it is doubtful that any contemporary editor would treat this MS as uncritically as he. And no doubt under the influence of Macaulay's edition, they have chosen only the longest of the passages in the "variant" text for their concordance: no notice is made of the many shorter passages scattered throughout the poem in which recensions "one" and "two" differ from "recension three," some of which, the present reviewer has argued elsewhere, might perhaps represent scribal alteration in the Fairfax copy. Whatever reservations one might have about the editors' procedure, they have nonetheless produced a valuable, indeed indispensable tool for all future study of Gower's poem, and we will all be grateful to Pickles and Dawson for finally having filled so plain a need. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 7.1]</text>
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              <text>Pickles, J. D. and J. L. Dawson, eds. </text>
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              <text>Pickles, J. D. and J. L. Dawson, eds. "A Concordance to John Gower's Confessio Amantis." Publications of the John Gower Society, 1 . Cambridge: D.S. Brewer, 1987</text>
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                <text>A Concordance to John Gower's Confessio Amantis.</text>
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              <text>These are all mere quibbles, however; there is nothing so mysterious about the concordance that it cannot be figured out with the actual text in hand. This is an extremely useful volume, and a major contribution to Gower scholarship. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 16.2]</text>
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              <text>This new concordance to Gower's writing in French is the seventeenth in the series of "Medieval Texts and Studies" formerly published by Colleagues Press, now identified as "Colleagues Books" in their new home at Michigan State University Press, the same series that brought us Echard and Fanger's invaluable translation of The Latin Verses in the Confessio Amantis and William Burton Wilson's translation of MO (see JGN 12, no. 1). In addition to the verse text of MO, it includes the prose section headings and the table of contents to the poem; the Cinkante Balades along with its prose dedication and its marginalia; and the Traitié with its brief prose preface -- in short, everything but the Latin verse and rubrics in the first volume of Macaulay's edition of Gower's works. All, including a selection of variant readings, is included in a single alphabetical list of 900 pages, without the miscellaneous supplementary indexes that occupy more than a quarter of the pages in Pickles and Dawson's concordance to Gower's English works (JGN 7, no. 1). Every word is indexed except for 226 forms listed on pages viii-ix: mostly pronouns, forms of être and avoir, prepositions, and a few adverbs and conjunctions (including the most common of the omitted forms, et). Unlike Tatlock and Kennedy's Chaucer concordance, which groups all forms of each word and all variant spellings together under a single lemma (the modern English spelling), the present concordance, like Pickles and Dawson's, is arranged strictly by spelling: each form (celeste, celestes) is entered separately, as is each variant spelling (coard, couard). The result poses much less inconvenience that it does in the concordance to the English works, however, because the spelling in Gower's French works is so much more regular. Variants like the coard/couard pair just cited (each appears in Gower's writing twice) are very difficult to find, for the vast majority of words are spelled in only a single way. As a consequence, the different inflected forms of a word are also almost always grouped closely together in the alphabetical list. The only real disadvantage to the strict spelling arrangement is that homonyms are all listed together: thus in the space of a few pages the concordance mingles the forms of three different words beginning with mu- (an adjective meaning "mute," a noun meaning "cage" with its derivatives, and a verb meaning "to move, to change, to moult" with its derivatives); the entry for noun groups together the noun meaning "name" and the negative particle "not;" and the entry for nue contains both the feminine form of the adjective "nude" and the noun meaning "cloud, sky, heaven." In all these respects, wherever any possibility of confusion might exist, the perfect complement to the concordance is provided by Macaulay's glossary, which performs all the tasks that the concordance does not: it scrupulously lists every word in Gower's French vocabulary with all of its variant spellings in a single entry; it provides cross-reference entries for spellings that are separated alphabetically from the main entry for each word; it provides a generous listing of inflected forms; and it distinguishes homonyms. The concordance performs all of the work that the glossary does not, providing, in its listing of every instance of every form, the basis for examining both contexts and frequency. Together, these are the only two tools one needs for a complete study of the vocabulary of the French vocabulary of the poet. Macaulay himself probably wished often that a concordance of precisely this sort had been available to him. But now that Macaulay has done his work so well, why is the concordance so important to the rest of us? For those whose principal interest is linguistic, the question answers itself: not only is it indispensable for the study of Gower's language, but as far as the reviewer is aware, it is the only available concordance for any body of French writing, let alone Anglo-Norman, from the entire fourteenth century. But even for those who leave the language study to others, this volume will have many uses. Only the most obvious convenience is that it provides a thematic index both to Gower's vast moralizing poem and to his lyrics, each with its different connection to CA, and a far more reliable way of locating relevant treatment of important topics than Macaulay's glossary does. All of us are also faced with the difficulties of translating the poem. Even Gower's use of apparently familiar words can sometimes be puzzling, and a list of other examples is often much more helpful than a glossary can be. (For the reviewer, this is the most common reason for turning to Pickles and Dawson.) The interest in semantics extends beyond the French works themselves. How can one do a thorough examination of Gower's multiple and often ambiguous uses of "grace" in CA, for instance, without also considering the different uses of the same word in MO and CB? (When we have a concordance to the Latin works, our tools for the study of his vocabulary will be complete.) Or to take a matter of a completely different sort, how many times does Gower's own name appear in the MSS of his works? The concordance provides three entries, one of which, since it appears in only a single MS of the Traitié, is not referenced in Macaulay's glossary. The usefulness of a work such as this is limited only by the imagination of the user, and its very existence can serve to generate questions that one might not have thought of before. For all these reasons, it is inconceivable that it not be made accessible to everyone with a serious interest in the poet, and if not in our personal collections, it certainly merits a place on the library shelf. When we fill out our purchase recommendations for the librarian, we might also remember the desirability of encouraging the publication of other scholarly reference works of this sort in the future. The volume is very handsomely printed, and is in fact much more readable than Pickles and Dawson, with only 56 lines per column instead of the 78 of the latter. There are no headwords on the page, but the editors have included a lemma at the top of each column, either in the form "prelat (25)," listing the number of occurrences, at the beginning of each entry, or "prelat -- continued" when the entry extends from one column to the next; and one quickly becomes accustomed to fixing one's eye on the top of the right hand column of the recto as one flips through the pages. The lemmata might have been printed in a bolder face than the rest of the text, but again one becomes used to the editor's presentation. The most significant lapse in the book is that the "prose headings" that mark the divisions in the text of MO are cited only by a sequence number that has been assigned by the editors, not by the number of the adjacent line of text. These sequence numbers appear neither in the MS nor in Macaulay's edition, and when there are no other references, the citation can only be found with considerable guessing and searching (e.g. artifice and artifices, which occur only in prose headings "113" and "114"). The verse lines in MO are cited by preceding prose heading plus line number (e.g. "MO 3:210"), in which case the heading number is both unhelpful and unnecessary. The editors might have done better to find a way of relying on verse number alone. The only other criticism to make concerns the "Guide to the Concordance" at the beginning. Only one of the six examples cited for illustration (the last) corresponds to an actual entry in the concordance; two give mistaken forms of the abbreviation used to identify Gower's different works, and one (the second) gives a mistaken explanation of its line number references. The account of what sorts of variant readings are included is incomplete and imprecise, and does not explain such entries as "TRa 1hdG:1" (found under "gower"). </text>
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Confessio Amantis</text>
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              <text>It is the "central thing" to our reading experience of Gower that his ethical content, didactic purpose, structure, representation of romantic love, narrative, and poetic techniques are medieval. Examines each in relation to each other, and as examples of "medieval" modes of thought. [RFY1981]</text>
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                <text>A Critical Evaluation of John Gower's "Confessio Amantis." </text>
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              <text>Hamm, R. Wayne. "A Critical Evaluation of the Confisyon del Amante, the Castilian Translation of Gower's Confessio Amantis." Medium AEvum 47 (1978), pp. 91-106.</text>
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              <text> Whereas earlier scholars such as Manly and Russell were primarily interested in tracing the Portuguese translation (and its translator) of the CA in the historical records,  Hamm seeks to assess the quality of the Castilian prose translation.  Hamm divides his article into four sections: Changes in Tone, Style, and Emphasis; Conscious Changes or Emendations; Unconscious Changes (primarily errors and mistranslations); and Changes in Textual Machinery, Organization, and Structure.  Overall, Hamm finds the translation "surprisingly faithful to the English version" (92). Some differences include "a de-emphasis of the poem's English setting" (93), less focus on politics, a more devout tone, and (in contrast to the last point) an increase in sexually overt language.  The translator reduced a lot of Gower's padding (especially the poetic tags used to fill out the line), yet added new embellishments.  Some of the most dramatic changes are the omission of 419 lines in Book 4, the extensive rewriting of the Tale of Deianira and Nessus, and the addition of a long and artistic speech by the emperor in the Tale of Constantine and Silvester.  Much of the Latin framework of the CA is removed, yet a new introduction and synoptic index are supplied.  The result of all this is "a highly sensitive and intelligent interpretation of letter and spirit of Gower's original" (105).  [CvD]</text>
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              <text>Brief biography and assessment of works; Gower exemplifies "verse craftsmanship without genius"; more than Chaucer, he is "disturbed by the upheavals in contemporary society." [RFY1981; rev. MA]</text>
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              <text>Daiches, David. A Critical History of English Literature. 2 vols. New York: Ronald Press, 1960, I, 121-25. </text>
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              <text>Fourteen of the surviving MSS of CA contain an illustration of Amans kneeling before his Confessor. In three others, the scribes have left a blank space for the inclusion of a miniature in the same places where this illustration normally appears. In most of the illustrations, Amans is depicted as a young man; in three of them he is noticeably old. J.A. Burrow has already discussed the implications of the figure's apparent age and of the revelation in the illustration of that which is not revealed in the text until the very end. Garbáty is more concerned with the illustrators' and the readers' perception of the identity or distinctness of Amans and the historical author. Conventions of medieval painting make it impossible for us to be certain whether any of these illustrations is intended as portraiture, he observes, but the collar of SS that Amans wears in the miniature in Bodley Fairfax 3 is clearly meant to suggest an identification between the illustrated figure (who is also depicted as old) and the poet Gower. More evidence of such identification is provided, Garbáty argues, in the fact that most of the illustrations show Amans wearing a long gown or robe similar to the one worn by Gower's tomb effigy, and that in twelve of the fourteen he is attired in red or pink, matching the scarlet of the gown in a 1719 description of the tomb. The illustrators' attempts to identify Amans with Gower's appearance in effigy suggest to Garbáty that Gower's earliest readers did not make a critical differentiation between the author and his fictional persona. This argument depends to some extent upon an unusually late date for the Fairfax MS, after Gower's death (see note 13), so that it too may be considered as derivative of the tomb effigy. The only evidence Garbáty presents is the unlikelihood that Gower would have been depicted with a collar of SS while Richard II was still alive. Many, possibly including Gower, did wear such a collar during Richard's lifetime, but even if they did not, the illustration by no means excludes the normal dating of c. 1400. Both paleographers and textual scholars will have trouble with Grabáty's proposal of a later date, and if it is not correct, then there needs to be some explanation other than the tomb effigy alone for the habit of depicting Amans/Gower in red in these illustrations. Garbáty includes in his essay a black and white reproduction and a description of each of the fourteen surviving Confessor illustrations. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 16.1]</text>
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              <text>Garbáty, Thomas J.. "A Description of the Confession Miniatures for Gower's Confessio Amantis with Special Reference to the Illustrator's Role as Reader and Critic." Mediaevalia 19 (1996), pp. 319-43.</text>
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                <text>A Description of the Confession Miniatures for Gower's Confessio Amantis with Special Reference to the Illustrator's Role as Reader and Critic</text>
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              <text>One of the brightest signs of growing interest in Gower is the recent attention to the manuscripts of his work: their fascinating political valences, their luxurious design, their position in current discussions about certain London scribes and canon formation in the book worlds of London and beyond. Those lines of investigation now have a splendid and solid foundation in Pearsall's and Mooney's Catalogue. The forty-nine surviving manuscripts and six fragments of the "Confessio Amantis" are fully described in entries that meet and regularly exceed contemporary practice in their sheer fullness of detail. As the Foreword notes, the project began in 1978 (xiii), with significant early work by Jeremy Griffiths and Kate Harris. Four decades on, the Catalogue benefits from recent work on the CA to update the heroic labors of George C. Macaulay now a century old. Macaulay's brief manuscript descriptions are in some cases markedly less complete than in others (also true for his collations), and he did not see nine CA manuscripts in Middle English now known to scholars. That inconsistency has now been rectified. In this Catalogue manuscript contents are described with lacunae fully annotated and additions listed; illustrations and decorations are discussed at length. Physical description in general is extensive, offering information on scribal hands, page design, and punctuation. Substantial discussions of provenance are the rule, not the exception: for London, British Library, MS Harley 3490 the discussion of provenance extends over five pages (105-109), and that example is not the exception. In many places consultations with A. I. Doyle, Kathleen Scott, and other scholars have enriched the entries. Current scholarship is well-enough represented that the Works Cited alone is worth the attention of Gowerians. The appendices include an authoritative summary list of the manuscripts, Macaulay's sigla, and an overview of Gower's shorter poems in Latin often added to the end of the CA, along with poems not attributed to Gower that appear in CA manuscripts. The French poem "Traitié pour essampler les amantz marietz" also finds its way into the third appendix, a bit surprising but helpful, since one or more of three short Latin poems seem to attach themselves to this "ballade" collection in several early manuscripts. A small gathering of color plates offers glimpses of the two standard miniatures (the Dream of Nebuchadnezzar and the Confession) and the two main layouts in what Pearsall has called the "London style" for the poem in the first decades of its public life. The Catalogue does not include the two Iberian translations of the CA; the editors note that these manuscripts have been well-discussed recently. Nor does it include the nine independent manuscripts of "Vox clamantis," the Trentham anthology (London, British Library, MS Add. 59495), or the sole copy of the "Mirour de l'Omme" (Cambridge, University Library, MS Add. 3035). We can turn to other sources for the latter two, but a full contemporary description of the VC manuscripts remains an important and incomplete task. In all other respects this long-awaited treasure-house fulfills its promise. [JF. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 41.1]</text>
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              <text>Pearsall, Derek and Linne Mooney, eds. A Descriptive Catalogue of the English Manuscripts of John Gower's Confessio Amantis. Publications of the John Gower Society, XV. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2021. xx; 385 pp. ISBN 978-1-84384-613-0.</text>
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Confessio Amantis&#13;
Minor Latin Poetry&#13;
Traitié pour Essampler les Amants Marietz&#13;
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97094">
              <text>In this M.A. thesis Whisman addresses similarities between aspects of Milton's characterizations of Sin and Death in "Paradise Lost" and parallel characterizations in Gower's MO. He describes "common threads" (34) among several classical and Christian precedents, and explores possibilities that Milton may have known Gower's French poem, despite the fact that it was generally unknown (unacknowledged?) until G. C. Macaulay (re)discovered the only surviving manuscript of the poem in 1895, publishing his edition of it in 1899. Delight in his topic--and a touch of exuberance--is evident in Whisman's title and recurs throughout his study. He deals in many "possibilities" as he steers quickly through his secondary research, commenting on the biographies and literary status of his two poets, Milton's knowledge of CA, Spenser's possible use of CA in his "Faerie Queene" (for the Deadly Sins), the possibility that Milton could read French, Macaulay's discovery, J.  S. P. Tatlock's 1906 discussion of parallels between the characterizations in MO and "Paradise Lost," John's Fisher's speculations about the physical location(s) of the MO manuscript, John Steadman's possibility that Basil's "Sixth Homily on the Hexaemeron" was a common source, and ongoing scholarly hesitancy about claiming any direct influence. Whisman adds several possible--but strained--verbal echoes between the texts and, wisely, refrains from asserting influence, direct or mediated. He does assert, however, that if direct influence were ever established, or even if a common source (beyond their "primary source," the Bible) were to be found, it would demand that we "rethink the composition" of PL (47) and "help to return Gower to a prominent place in English studies" (48). [MA. Copyright. John Gower Society. eJGN 42.2]</text>
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              <text>Whisman, Derek K. </text>
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          <name>Published</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97096">
              <text>Whisman, Derek K. "A Devil of a Coincidence: Study on Milton and Gower." M.A. Thesis. Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 2010. Open access at http://hdl.handle.net/10919/42655 (accessed January 22, 2023).</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="97097">
              <text>Influence and Later Allusion&#13;
Mirour de l'Omme (Speculum Meditantis)</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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      </elementContainer>
    </itemType>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="97092">
                <text>A Devil of a Coincidence: Study on Milton and Gower.</text>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="97093">
                <text>2010</text>
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    <itemType itemTypeId="18">
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              <text>Johnson prints CA Prologue 499-528 in the prefatory material to his dictionary, the section titled "The History of the English Language" and calls Gower "the father of our poetry." He includes biographical matter a brief literary assessment, describing Gower as the first author "who can be properly said to have written 'English'" and disagreeing with John Dryden's view that Chaucer was the "first refinement" of English verse and English language: "he that reads the works of Gower will find smooth numbers and easy rhymes, of which Chaucer is supposed to have been the inventor, and the French words, whether good or bad, of which Chaucer is charged as the importer." Both Gower and Lydgate, Johnson says, "sufficiently evince" that Chaucer's diction "was in general like that of his contemporaries." [RFY1981; rev. MA]. </text>
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              <text> Johnson, Samuel. A Dictionary of the English Language. London: J. &amp; P. Knapton, 1755, n.p.</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93042">
              <text>Language and Word Studies&#13;
Style, Rhetoric, and Versification&#13;
Confessio Amantis&#13;
Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="93037">
                <text>A Dictionary of the English Language.</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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              <elementText elementTextId="93038">
                <text>1755</text>
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  </item>
  <item itemId="9887" public="1" featured="0">
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              <name>Title</name>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
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    <itemType itemTypeId="18">
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              <text>Breen's trope on Gower's line in her title notwithstanding, her study of MS Bodley 581--a geomancy produced for Richard, but "like Gower's dedication of the 'Confessio Amantis' [which she assumes was in fact presented to the king] it was in all likelihood a failed gift" (123), because the manuscript shows no signs that Richard opened it--her essay has very little to do with Gower. Rather, it focusses on "Piers Plowman" and the "Secretum Secretorum." She notes that Gower "groups geomancy with sorcery but does not condemn it outright" (140); that although Bodley 581 "is not literary in any traditional sense of the term, it does occupy some of the same cultural terrain" as "Piers Plowman" and "the more courtly works of Chaucer and Gower . . . . In the 'Confessio Amantis,' Genius introduces geomancy and proscribes it at the same time, describing its practice and mythical origins even as he warns against it" (159). Breen sees the compiler of Bodley 581 seeking "solutions for many of the problems of morality and readership addressed by Chaucer, Gower, and Langland--although by different experimental means" (160). By creating a book capable of being read without formal instruction, the Bodley 581 compiler in effect envisions Richard as representative of "the emergent reading public of late fourteenth-century England" (160), a readership that of course was Gower's as well. [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society. eJGN 41.1]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="95393">
              <text>Breen, Katharine.</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="95394">
              <text>Breen, Katharine. "A Different Kind of Book for Richard's Sake: MS Bodley 581 as Ethical Handbook." Chaucer Review 45 (2010): 119-68.</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="95395">
              <text>Manuscripts and Textual Studies&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
      </elementContainer>
    </itemType>
    <elementSetContainer>
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="95390">
                <text>A Different Kind of Book for Richard's Sake: MS Bodley 581 as Ethical Handbook.</text>
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          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="95391">
                <text>2010</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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  </item>
  <item itemId="10046" public="1" featured="0">
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96345">
              <text>Gower was a "learned poet," and Chaucer's friend. [RFY1981]</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96346">
              <text>Pancoast, Henry S.&#13;
Shelly, Percy Van Dyke</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96347">
              <text>Pancoast, Henry S., and Percy Van Dyke Shelly. A First Book in English Literature. New York: Holt, 1910, pp. 62, 68, 92, 101</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="96348">
              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism</text>
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      </elementContainer>
    </itemType>
    <elementSetContainer>
      <elementSet elementSetId="1">
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        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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          <element elementId="50">
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="96343">
                <text>A First Book in English Literature.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="96344">
                <text>1910</text>
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  </item>
  <item itemId="9752" public="1" featured="0">
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            <elementText elementTextId="94587">
              <text>Plot summaries and assessments of Gower's poems, interspersed with biography, current events, and commentaries on Chaucer, Langland, and Wycliff as Gower's contemporaries. [RFY1981; rev. MA]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94588">
              <text>Morley, Henry.</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94589">
              <text>Morley, Henry. A First Sketch of English Literature. London: Cassell, 1873, pp, 129-31, 138-45, 156-59, 160-63, 178, 213, 309, 475, 744. </text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94590">
              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism&#13;
Biography of Gower</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="94585">
                <text>A First Sketch of English Literature.</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="94586">
                <text>1873</text>
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  </item>
  <item itemId="9391" public="1" featured="0">
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      <name>GowerType</name>
      <description>Customized Item type for items in the Gower Database</description>
      <elementContainer>
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          <description/>
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            <elementText elementTextId="92440">
              <text>Carlson's essay is difficult to summarize. His own attempt, in his published abstract, reads as follows: "The English writer John Gower (d. 1408) fashioned parts of his Latin poem on the peasant revolt of 1381 out of materials taken from Ovid: topics from the post-relegation verse and 'Heroides' colour a long section shaped by the matter of Achaemenides from the 'Metamorphoses' and concluded with the matter of Carmentis from the 'Fasti'. The analysis establishes the quality of Gower's knowledge of the Ovidian corpus and his skill in deploying references to Ovid for his own literary-political purpose" (293). In essence, the article provides an extended set of footnotes to Book I of the VC. Carlson identifies line-by-line (and sometimes word-by-word) Gower's Ovidian borrowings from several works, most from "Tristia" and "Ex Ponto," and shows how he adapted them to suit his description of the Peasants' Revolt. Anyone studying, or even planning to read, the "Visio" would do well to begin with this essay. [RFY. Copyright. The John Gower Society eJGN 40.1]</text>
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          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92441">
              <text>Carlson, David R.</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92442">
              <text>Carlson, David R. "A Fourteenth-Century Anglo-Latin Ovidian: The 'Liber Exulis' in John Gower's 1381 'Visio Anglie' ('Vox Clamantis' I.1359-1592)." Classica et Mediaevalia 61 (2010): 293-335.</text>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="92443">
              <text>Vox Clamatis&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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      </elementContainer>
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    <elementSetContainer>
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                <text>A Fourteenth-Century Anglo-Latin Ovidian: The 'Liber Exulis' in John Gower's 1381 'Visio Anglie' ('Vox Clamantis' I.1359-1592).</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="40">
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="92439">
                <text>2010</text>
              </elementText>
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  <item itemId="9529" public="1" featured="0">
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          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93267">
              <text>Prints "Medea Restores Eson's Youth," CA, Book V, 3945-4174, reprinting Macaulay. Excellent linguistic notes, glossary. [RFY1981].</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Mossé, Fernand.&#13;
Walker, James A., trans.</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
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              <text>Mossé, Fernand. A Handbook of Middle English. 5th ed., rev. Translated by James A. Walker. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1968, pp. 313-23.</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="93270">
              <text>Language and Word Studies&#13;
Confessio Amantis&#13;
Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
            </elementText>
          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
      </elementContainer>
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        <description>The Dublin Core metadata element set is common to all Omeka records, including items, files, and collections. For more information see, http://dublincore.org/documents/dces/.</description>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="93265">
                <text>A Handbook of Middle English.</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="93266">
                <text>1968</text>
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              <text>Gower is given more than six pages (286-93) in Rigg's new survey, compared to the one-sentence than he gets in the epilogue to F.J.E. Raby's History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages (2 vols., 1934). The importance of this new book, however, lies neither in the prominence that it gives to Gower, nor even in what Rigg has to say about Gower's works, but in the company in which Gower appears here. The six-page account is mostly summary, of VC, TC, and the shorter Latin poems, with some pertinent critical comment and some description of the Latin passages in CA as well. But who other than Rigg would have thought of declaring that VC is "the first substantial Anglo-Latin work in unrhymed elegiac couplets since Henry of Avranches," and where else but here can one turn to find out who Henry of Avranches was, and what he wrote? Rigg surveys over one hundred named authors in this book, most of whom are entirely neglected in all conventional accounts of "English literature," plus an uncounted number of anonymous writers. For each, the description is necessarily brief, but well illustrated with excerpts, and alert both to the special qualities of each author and to his or her place in the literature of the time. The arrangement is chronological, and each chapter begins with a brief but useful account of the political and literary context of the period. What is most remarkable about all this is the sense of a history that Riggs is able to create, in contrast to the isolation in which so many writers in English seem to have worked during most of this time. And not only does Gower's Latin writing appear much less of an anomaly, but one begins to notice parallels to Gower's work in Rigg's account of some of his predecessors, suggesting whole new areas of research for future scholars for whom Rigg's book will be an indispensable vade mecum. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 12.2]</text>
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              <text>Brief biography; summary of works; status as "second to Chaucer . . . cannot be disputed," although it "still must be confessed that old John is often prosy, and sometimes dull." [RFY1981; rev. MA]</text>
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              <text>Fowler announces that his purpose is to treat the history of literary forms rather than contents; and with regard to specific works, he writes, "I have tried to explain how best to approach each writer: what obstacles to avoid, what allowances to make, what pleasures to expect" (p. vii). His two terse paragraphs on Gower demonstrate the clarity and freshness of observation of the book as a whole, and also some of the limitations of treating so many works in a single short volume: In CA, he writes, "a lover's confession to love's priest Genius, the natural self, constitutes a minutely developed allegorical frame, in which relatively undetailed, beautifully shaped tales are inserted as examples clarifying the deadly sins of love. In effect the tales survey a broad range of human experience in a rational, systematizing way, such that they almost anticipate the method of the Renaissance. Gower was a great intellectual, and his masterpiece communicates an impressive vision. It is a moving, terrible vision, of life as threatened by irresistible and irrational impulses. By the end of his life-long confession Gower's lover has become too old: 'the thing is torned into "was" . . .' (viii.2435). The individual tales, drawn from Ovid or the romances, are triumphs of refacimento, the art of stylish re-presentation. "Gower had the gift of selecting just what formed a spare, classic unity, logical rather than allegorical in coherence. Even his neat tetrameters (four-stressed lines) are balanced, divided into equal halves. . . . Although he wrote with moral fervour, 'moral Gower' was our first major poet of formal elegance in narrative-- superior, in this regard, even to Chaucer." (P. 12.) Review by Martin Dodsworth in TLS, April 8-14 l988, p. 382. [PN. Copyright The John Gower Society. JGN 7.2]</text>
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              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism&#13;
Confessio Amantis</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="94671">
              <text>Discusses MO, VC, and CA as examples of a late-fourteenth-century didactic style and compares them with works by Chaucer. [RFY1981]</text>
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              <text>Courthope, W. J. A History of English Poetry. New York: Macmillan, 1926, I: 302-21</text>
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              <text>Backgrounds and General Criticism&#13;
Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Saintsbury, George.</text>
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              <text>Saintsbury, George. A History of English Prosody from the Twelfth Century to the Present Day. London: Macmillan, 1910, I, 139-42. </text>
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              <text>Style, Rhetoric, and Versification&#13;
Influence and Later Allusion</text>
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                <text>A History of English Prosody from the Twelfth Century to the Present Day.</text>
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                <text>1910</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="94080">
              <text>A brief, clear presentation of Gower's English. Wyld notes Gower's Kenticisms, compares his London English to that of Chaucer, and his general English to that of Wyclif, Langland, Chaucer, and Dan Michel. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Wild, Henry Cecil. A History of Modern Colloquial English. Oxford: Blackwell, 1920. 3rd ed., rev., 1936, pp. 30, 41, 56-58.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="94082">
              <text>Language and Word Studies</text>
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              <elementText elementTextId="94078">
                <text>A History of Modern Colloquial English.</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="94419">
              <text>Argues that Gower preserves the older tradition of Peter Riga and Alexander Neckham, and "shows acquaintance with" Nigel Wirecker and Godfrey of Viterbo. [RFY1981].</text>
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              <text>Raby, F. J. E.</text>
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          <name>Published</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94421">
              <text>Raby, F. J. E. A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1934, II, 343</text>
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          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94422">
              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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      <elementSet elementSetId="1">
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              <elementText elementTextId="94417">
                <text>A History of Secular Latin Poetry in the Middle Ages.</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94145">
              <text>Notes Gower's early use of English for poetry and his Kentish background. [RFY1981].</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
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          <name>Author/Editor</name>
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94146">
              <text>Brook, G. L.</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
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            <elementText elementTextId="94147">
              <text>Brook, G. L. A History of the English Language. London: Andre Deutsch, 1968, pp. 48, 55.</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94148">
              <text>Language and Word Studies&#13;
</text>
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      <elementSet elementSetId="1">
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        <elementContainer>
          <element elementId="50">
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="94143">
                <text>A History of the English Language.</text>
              </elementText>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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  <item itemId="9681" public="1" featured="0">
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              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <elementText elementTextId="25233">
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      <name>GowerType</name>
      <description>Customized Item type for items in the Gower Database</description>
      <elementContainer>
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          <name>Review</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94163">
              <text>Briefly mentions Gower as a speaker and writer of French in London in the latter half of the fourteenth century, and as an importer of new words from French and Latin into English. [RFY1981].</text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
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        <element elementId="97">
          <name>Author/Editor</name>
          <description>Author/Editor</description>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94164">
              <text>Baugh, Albert C.</text>
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        </element>
        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94165">
              <text>Baugh, Albert C. A History of the English Language. 2nd ed., rev. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1971. pp. 171-3, 270. </text>
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          </elementTextContainer>
        </element>
        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="94166">
              <text>Language and Word Studies</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
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            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="94161">
                <text>A History of the English Language.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>1971</text>
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  <item itemId="8299" public="1" featured="0">
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          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="82422">
              <text>The summary of this item has been provided by Professor Ito: "The second edition of the book (1980), revised and supplemented." [JGN 8.2]</text>
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        <element elementId="97">
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              <text>Ito, Masayoshi</text>
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        <element elementId="55">
          <name>Published</name>
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              <text>Ito, Masayoshi. "A Japanese Translation of the "Confessio Amantis"." Tokyo: Shinozaki Shorin Press, 1988</text>
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        <element elementId="56">
          <name>Gower Subject</name>
          <description/>
          <elementTextContainer>
            <elementText elementTextId="82425">
              <text>Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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            <elementText elementTextId="82426">
              <text>Confessio Amantis</text>
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="82417">
                <text>A Japanese Translation of the "Confessio Amantis".</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="45">
            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="82418">
                <text>Shinozaki Shorin Press,</text>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
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            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="82419">
                <text>1988</text>
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          <element elementId="51">
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                <text>PeerReviewed</text>
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  <item itemId="8298" public="1" featured="0">
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              <text>In Japanese. The summary of this item has been provided by Professor Ito: "A translation of the Latin text edited by H. Oesterley (Berlin, 1872); supposedly, this work originated in thirteenth-century England, and was used by Chaucer, Gower, and Hoccleve; it also contains old versions of Guy of Warrick and Roberd of Cisyle. The translation comprises 200 tales -- the canonical 181 and 19 supplementary tales -- together with commentary and motif-index." [JGN 8.2]</text>
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              <text>Ito, Masayoshi</text>
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              <text>Ito, Masayoshi. "A Japanese Translation of the Gesta Romanorum." Tokyo: Shinozaki Shorin Press, 1988</text>
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              <text>Sources, Analogues, and Literary Relations</text>
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              <text>Facsimiles, Editions, and Translations</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
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                <text>A Japanese Translation of the Gesta Romanorum.</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
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                <text>Shinozaki Shorin Press,</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
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                <text>1988</text>
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